Scotichronicon]]> Scotichronicon]]> Scotichronicon is a chronicle written by Walter Bower, abbot of Inchcolm, in the 1440s. It traces the history of Scotland from its origins, and is a major source for the study of medieval Scotland. All sixteen books were edited from the surviving manuscripts and translated into English from Latin between 1989 and 1998. References to St Andrews have been extracted from these volumes.]]> http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/search/Y?search=scotichronicon]]> Volume 1, Book II
Ch. 58, p. 311: The translation of the relics of St Andrew etc.
About the same time [the year 360] the emperor Constantius the son of Constantine the Great in the twentieth year of his reign, motivated by enthusiasm for the Christian religion and inspired by a special devotion which he had conceived long before in his heart for the blessed apostle Andrew, longed to do something gas final proof of his devotion. He went to the city of Patras in the district of Achaia where the apostle was martyred and buried, and from there he stealthily removed by main force the saint’s relics, translated them to Constantinople on 9 May and amid great rejoicing and to the accompaniment of hymns and chants placed them in golden and silver reliquaries with great honour.
Achaia is one of the seven provinces of Greece, and almost an island, for it is surrounded by sea on all sides except for the north side, where it adjoins Macedonia.
Therefore when Christ had entrusted the world to his apostles and disciples to be steeped in the catholic faith by their preaching, he allotted to Andrew the area around the Caspian sea, Scythia, Macedonia and Achaia, and also, as some would have it, Scotland. Since, as was previously described, the Picts derived their origins from Scythia, Andrew wished even after his death to convert those whom he was not able to convert while he was alive. This Andrew was the apostle of the Lord, the brother of Simon Peter, older than Peter by birth and first to be called, but second in rank or at least third, Galilean by nationality, born in the city of Bethsaida, gentlest of all the disciples. He excelled almost everyone in justice, piety and sanctity. He was dark-complexioned, handsome of appearance, of medium height, with a luxuriant beard. The translation of certain of his bones from Patras to Scotland was as follows.
It happened that by divine will on the third night before the emperor entered the city, the angel of the Lord appeared to a certain holy, God-fearing man, an abbot Regulus by name, the guardian of the relics, saying: ‘Take with you suitable brethren and proceed to the sarcophagus, in which the bones of Andrew were deposited. You will take from there three fingers of the right hand and the arm-bone that hangs down from the shoulder, one tooth and a kneecap. Guard them carefully in a place which I shall show you, until I return.’ He quickly summoned the chosen brethren, and carried off all the bones, just as he had been ordered to. He hid them in a very secret place indicated by the angel. So the emperor came two days later with quick-marching legions, and captured the city, emptying it of all its wealth. He received the reliquary in which the relics were stored, and ordered it to be taken back to Constantinople with suitable reverence, while he escorted it with the army.

Ch. 59, p. 313: The angel instructed Regulus to take the relics and go to the west-north-west regions of the world.
Finally after several years had passed by, the celestial angel again came back to abbot Regulus, and with an intimidating look on his face gave him the following command in the name of Almighty God and in these words: ‘Take up again’, he said, ‘the relics of blessed Andrew beloved of God, which you recently preserved on my instructions. And take with you a praiseworthy escort of saints, and lose no time in going to the western regions under the west-north-west at the world’s end; and wheresoever the ship that carries you by will of God runs the risk of shipwreck, but with you and your companions remaining unharmed, know that there the course of your hardship, or at least of your prolonged voyage, has reached its successful conclusion. Moreover guard against being negligent or forgetful of this kind of instruction, namely that in that place you should firmly lay the foundations of a church to the honour of the divine name and the glory of his saint and apostle of everlasting veneration, because it will come to pass that, just as the east was for a long time adorned by the sound of his preaching while he was alive, as you are aware, so know truly that the whole of the west will also be adorned forever with the miracles worked by his relics. For since that place has been chosen by God, it will be an apostolic see for ever and a firm rock of the faith, and rightly so because of his brother blessed Peter to whom the Lord said: “You are Peter” etc. So the kingdom in which it is situated will be a steady, strong anchor, and it will be famous for its devotion to the apostle to all the faithful, especially the kings and other powers in the land, from whose estates and endowments it will be abundantly enriched. Therefore crowds of the faithful frequently coming there from abroad from the opposite ends of the world to receive bodily and spiritual health will miraculously receive what they have requested, and will return joyfully to their homes, praising God, who is always glorious in his saints, in his apostle with exultant voices.’ And with these words the angel disappeared from the his sight, and blessed Regulus addressed himself to carrying out his instructions. So wishing to obey the divine commands, he summoned to his side wise and religious men of preeminent learning and character, each of whom had been forewarned by angelic exhortation to take part in his pilgrimage and his merit. He carried the sacred relics with him to the ship, and put to sea, prepared to reach the regions of the west-north-west. The following are the sacred names of the company of saints: St Regulus, abbot, St Damian, priest, Gelasius and Chubaculus, deacons, Merniacus the brother of St Damian, Nerius and Elrisenius from Crete, Mirenus, Machabeus and Silvius his brother. There were eight hermits namely Felix, Sajanus, Matheus, Mauricius, Madianus, Philip, Luke and Eugenius and three virgin saints from Colosia namely Triduana, Potencia and Emerea.

Ch. 60, p. 315: Blessed Regulus first reached Scotland with the relics after shipwreck
Those very saintly men together with the virgins went on board a ship laden with all necessary supplies, and sailed around the shores of Europe by way of the Mediterranean Sea until they came, worn out by many hardships, to the islands situated in the Ocean beneath the setting sun. And when they had been wandering for the space of almost two years over unknown seas, as the breeze chanced to take them, not knowing what was their goal, suddenly a fierce wind from the east rushed into their sails with unusual force. Under its violent impulse their boat was driven onto the kingdom of the Picts amid the rocks of the island of Albion, just as the angel had foretold, and was smashed to pieces. Given strength however by God, blessed Regulus reached land unharmed with his companions on 28 September in great joy, with the sign of the Lord’s cross going on before. And there in a grove of pigs, which is called ‘Mucross’ in the native language, he later dedicated a church to the glory of the apostle. In this place there occurred many astounding miracles from touching the relics, such as had not been seen or heard of,, since the adoption of the faith in these islands up to that time. For sight was given to those who were blind from birth, speech to the bumb, walking to the lame, and on all who piously sought the apostle’s support, no matter with what infirmity they were afflicted, healing was immediately bestowed through the compassion of God. After frequent miracles of this kind occurred daily, people came from all the nations bearing gifts, clapping their hands, and as suppliants raising endless hymns of praise to God for such a patron.
For this reason the following lines are found to have been written in olden times at Rymont:
Here that bay of the sea was a barren shore,
Which now surpasses the richest places of the world in fertility.
Here a region previously bare is now green.
It was poor before and is now rich.
Long ago it was vile and is now beautiful.
Hither therefore come men who are lords of remote castles to pray,
A motley throng setting out from their native land.
The boastful Frank, the war-loving Norman,
The Flemish weaver and rough Teuton,
English, German, Dutch, the man from Poitou with no knowledge of wool
And the bloodthirsty man from Anjou
Those who drink the waters of the Rhine and Rhone and the powerful Tiber
Come here to lay their pryers before Andrew.
We too, provided we have a name among such great people,
Come here carried along on a prosperous wheel.

At that time, Hurgust son of Fergoso king of that region was delighted with the sanctity of the pace, and built his own palace there beside the church, and granted certain lands to blessed Regulus and his brethren for sowing corn, to be cultivated as alms forever. Later kings followed his example, as the warmth of their devotion dictated, and their property increased, although modestly until King Hungus, who ruled over the Picts after 800, handed over a tenth part of his kingdom to blessed Andrew, in return for the miraculous aid afforded him in his expedition against the Saxons as will appear below in Book 4, Chapter 13 and following. The blessed men founded a little cell in the form of a monastery, and appointed guardians of the relics. The blessed men went out preaching through the countryside, not on horseback but, just as long ago the apostles went, two by two to sow the word of God everywhere among the heathen, miraculously performing innumerable miracles. When therefore they had imbued these people with the faith, inspired by heavenly teaching, and confirmed their faith with various miracles, the most blessed Abbot regulus died full of days and at a great age at Kilrymont (the name having been changed from Mucross by the king) thirty-two years after he had come shipwrecked to the island of Albion, during which he engaged in the work of the Gospel and wonderfully pleased God.

Volume 2, Book IV
Ch. 11, p. 299: The list of the kings of the Picts
The first of their kings was Cruithne son of Judge Kynne who founded the monarchy in the kingdom of the Picts and reigned for fifty years. The second after him was Ghede, the third was Tarain. To these two are ascribed two hundred and fifty years, as was mentioned above. Duchil succeeded King Tarain and reigned for forty years. He was succeeded by Dinorthesi who reigned for twenty years. Duordeghel succeeded him and reigned for twenty years. He was succeeded by Decokheth who reigned for sixty years. Combust came next and reigned for twenty years. Caranatherech succeeded him and reigned for forty years. Garnarthbolg succeeded him and reigned for nine years. Wypopneth succeeded him and reigned for thirty years. He was succeeded by Blarehassereth who reigned for seventeen years. Frachna Albus succeeded him and reigned for thirty years. Thalarg Amfrud succeeded him and reigned for sixteen years. He was succeeded by Canatalmel who reigned for six years. He was succeeded by Dongarnethles who reigned for one year. Feredath Finyel succeeded him and reigned for two years. Garnard-dives succeeded him and reigned for sixty years. He was succeeded by Hurgust son of Forgoso. During his reign, as was mentioned in Book II, Chapter 59 and following, certain relics of St Andrew were brought by blessed Regulus to Scotland and were reverently deposited in Kilrymont…

Ch. 24, p. 341: More about Constantine and the savage battle of Brunanburh
Unlucky was that day for the Scots for all the dominions acquired in the time of Giric or earlier, which had been held for fifty-four years or more were lost on that day by the right of conquest. William [of Malmesbury] writes: ‘There fell on that same field Constantine king of the Scots, a man of great spirit and vigorous old age, five kings etc.’, But the lie is given to this statement of William’s by various reliable chronicles, because after the tragic destruction of this battle Constantine held sway over the kingdom for four more years. Then giving up the kingship of his own accord, he put on the monk’s habit and devoted himself to God. He lived for five years after becoming abbot of the Culdees at St Andrews. He died and was buried there. Then the monks of Iona immediately with permission dug up his bones, took them and buried them in the tomb of his fathers in the church of blessed Oran in 947. Therefore it is not tenable that he was killed at the battle of Brunanburh, since he survived for about ten years after the battle. The following lines of verse are about him:
Constantine, whose father was Aed Albus
Was king for thiry and ten years.
For five he was in the city of St Andrews
There he died, living under religious rule.


Volume 3
Book V

Ch. 33, p. 107: King Alexander I [1107-1124]

King Alexander reigned for seventeen years. He was a well-educated and devout man, deferential and friendly to clerics and religious, but excessively terrifying to the rest of his subjects; he was a great-hearted man, extending himself in all directions beyond his strength. He was very enthusiastic in constructing churches, searching for relics of the saints, and in the manufacture and arrangement of priestly vestments and sacred books; he was also very generous beyond his means to all comers; so devout was he in respect of the poor that there was nothing that seemed to give him greater pleasure than receiving, washing, feeding and clothing them. Following his mother’s footsteps, he rivalled her in holy deeds to such an extent that he endowed three churches with many gifts, that is to say the church of St Andrew at Kilrymont and the churches of Dunfermline and Scone, the one founded by his father and mother, the other founded by himself to the glory of the Holy Trinity and St Michael the archangel, which was founded and built at Scone the chief seat of their kingdom. It was he who conferred the Boar’s Chase on blessed Andrew, and who also founded the monastery of canons of the Island of Incholm near Inverkeithing, and who conferred so many great privileges on the aforesaid church of the Holy Trinity at Scone, which he founded and built in the place where both the Pictish and the Scottish kings from ancient times had established the chief seat of their kingdom; and he had it dedicated after it had been built of stone construction in the manner of that time. In response to the king’s command almost the whole of the kingdom flocked to its dedication, which was performed by Turgot, bishop of St Andrews.

Book VI
Ch. 24, p. 343: The bishops of Kilrymont (that is St Andrews) from the time of the expulsion of the Picts until now
But because (as has been stated) the most saintly King David increased the number of bishoprics by new foundations, it seems to me appropriate (even if I do not deal separately with the other bishops) at least to insert something here about the succession of the bishops of St Andrews at least from the time of King Kenneth son of Alpin, the first monarch of the Scots (who swept away the Picts and their achievements) down to the present day, especially since each of them in his own time was regarded not as primate, but as the first and foremost [bishop] in the kingdom, lest if this information were to be scattered through the annals, enquirers would find a notice about [each of] these bishops less readily.
I find that the first was Kellach I and the second Fothad I, who was driven out by King Indulf; and after his expulsion from the see he lived for eight years. Regarding him I have found this inscription round the edge of the silver cover of a gospel book which is still preserved at St Andrews:
Fothad, who is the leading bishop among the Scots,
Made this cover for an ancestral gospel-book.

Then Kellach and Maelbridge, who was bishop for eight years. [This Maelbridge, as we read in the Life of the glorious and excellent confessor the blessed Duthac prophesied that he would be one of the bishops of the Scots; and this was fulfilled]. Then came Kellach II, son of Ferdlag, who was the first to go to Rome for confirmation. Then in succession came Malmore, a second Maelbridge, Alwin who held the see for three years, Maelduin Makgillandris, Tuthald for four years, Fothad II, Giric, Cathre, Edmar and Godric, who died as bishops-elect.
In 1109 Turgot prior of Durham was elected on the day of the Translation of St Augustine, and served as a consecrated bishop for about seven years. He wrote a little book about the saintliness of St Margaret the queen and about the virtues of her offspring. He was also her confessor. In 1117 ‘Edmund’ a monk of Canterbury was elected, but on renouncing his desire to become a bishop, he turned to his cloister. (But this man in the Life of St Anshelm calls himself Eadmer. He it was who dictated and wrote the Life of Anshelm.)
In 1122 Robert prior of Scone was elected to the see on the urging of King Alexander. He [the king] restored in its entirety the land called the Boar’s Chase, which had been taken away from the church of St Andrew, on condition that a religious community was established there, as had been previously arranged by King Alexander in a ceremony involving the king’s Arabian steed with its special harness and saddle, covered with a voluminous and precious caparison, along with a shield and silver lance (which now forms the shaft of a cross) – all these things the king in the presence of the magnates of the land had brought up to the altar, and he had the church invested with, and given sasine of, the said liberties and royal customs. David his brother, then an earl, was present there and confirmed this gift. This same Robert was consecrated by Thurstan archbishop of York without a profession of obedience, saving the privileges of each church and the authority of the apostolic see as was then specified. He remained bishop-elect for two years, and once consecrated served for thirty-five years, and so as elect and bishop he served for thirty-seven years. (Elsewhere I find it written thus: ‘He served as elect for two years and after consecration served for thirty-two years, so that as elect and bishop he served for thirty-four years.’) He died in 1159, and was buried in the old church of St Andrew during the reign of King Malcolm.

Ch. 25, p. 347: The election of St Waltheof abbot of Melrose to the see of St Andrews
After Robert’s death, as Jocelin the monk of Furness writes,
The episcopal see of St Andrews in Scotland was vacant, and by the request of the people, the election of the clergy and the assent of the princes Waltheof the saintly abbot of Melrose was chosen as pastor and bishop of their souls. Therefore the leading clergy came with some magnates of the land to Melrose with sufficient authority to embrace the man they had elected and bring him away with them; and the father abbot of Rievaulx, who happened to be present then, ordered Waltheof to comply with the election, assume the burden and undertake the office. But he excused himself on account of the weakness of his physical powers and his inability to undertake so weighty an employment; and he privately informed the abbot Rievaulx that he had not much longer to live on this earth. Replying to those who persisted in carrying through the plan for his election which had been conducted, and as the father abbot persisted in his command, the saint spoke truthfully in a prophetic spirit: ‘I have put off my robe; how can I put it on again? I have bathed my feet; God forbid that I dirty them again with the dust of worldly care.’ And he added, saying: ‘Believe me, you will elect and have a bishop other than me.’ Pointing his finger outside the chapter-house at Melrose, indicating his burial place there, he said: ‘This is my resting place. Here I shall dwell as long as the Lord pleases, since I have chosen it as a consolation for my sons.’ After these words the business was suspended; once it had been suspended it was adjourned by a stay of proceedings, and once delayed it was not carried through into effect. Once he had finally and utterly refused to consent to the election, another (namely the abbot of Kelso, who will be mentioned later) was elected, and Waltheof was buried at the time chosen by the Lord, lying asleep in the place which he had pointed out.

Ch. 35, p. 371: The election of Arnold abbot of Kelso to the see of St Andrews
In 1160 Arnold abbot of Kelso was elected as bishop of St Andrews on the feast of St Brice, which fell on a Sunday, and he was consecrated on the following Sunday in the old church of St Andrew by William bishop of Moray as legate of the apostolic see in the presence of King Malcolm. He was succeeded as abbot of Kelso by John, the precentor of that community, who was elected on the eve of the feast of St Andrew, and blessed by Herbert bishop of Glasgow on the Epiphany. In the same year Bishop Arnold was made legate of the lord pope and with King Malcolm founded the great church of St Andrew. He served as bishop for one year, then months and seventeen days, and died on 13 September 1162.
He was succeeded by Richard, a chaplain of King Malcolm, who was elected in 1165 and consecrated at St Andrews by the bishops of the kingdom on Palm Sunday, that is 28 March in the presence of the king. He served as bishop-elect for two years, and as a confirmed bishop for twelve years and one month. He died on 5 May in the canons’ infirmary in good old age and in saintliness of life. An inscription on wood about these three foregoing bishops buried in the old church reads as follows:
You who come as a pilgrim, pause, and first look on Robert,
Then on what remains of Arnold; the last tomb covers Richard;
They were once bishops, now they are citizens of Heaven.

In that same year, that is 1177, Master John called Scot was elected to the see of St Andrews. King William was totally opposed and, confident in the royal power, had Hugh his chaplain consecrated as bishop in the church of St Andrew in accordance with his wishes. On both sides a serious dispute and dangerous rift arose, as will be clear in what follows, because although Scot was so called, nevertheless he had been born an Englishman in the township which is called Budworth in the county of Chester. He had spent some time as a student of the liberal arts first at Oxford and then at Paris; and it was not only in the liberal arts, but also in physics and finally in theology that he seemed to everyone good enough to teach as a master. Then when he had returned from the schools and had stayed for some time with his relatives in his family home, he decided to go in person to Scotland and visit the church of St Andrew the Apostle, where he was taken up as an honoured protégé by the bishop. Now regarded not as a guest and a foreigner, but as a citizen and a native, after the death of the archdeacon he obtained the archdeaconry. And not many years later on the death of the bishop, when the day for an election had been arranged and everyone had gathered who was supposed to attend, and in the presence also of John de Monte Celio, the cardinal who had been appointed a legate from the lord pope’s side in Scotland in particular, the grace of the Holy Spirit was invoked, and all and sundry cast their votes for the archdeacon, and jointly elected him as bishop with no dissent.

Ch. 36, p. 345: How King William drove John out of the bishopric and how John appealed to the Roman court because of this
At that time William king of Scotland, on hearing that the archdeacon had been elected bishop without him being consulted or giving any consent of approval, took it badly; and unable to hide the anger aroused in his mind, he burst out with these words: ‘By the arm of St James (for this was his usual oath) ‘as long as I live he will never enjoy the bishopric of St Andrews, nor will he exercise episcopal authority in that see.’ Soon therefore the property and revenues of the bishop were seized, and the king ordered that both John and all the others connected in any way with his family or household be condemned to exile. This servant of Christ therefore did not know what to do or where to go, for since he was not allowed to remain in his own country, he was necessarily forced to live in exile. He calculated therefore that the one and only refuge left to him was to appeal to the apostolic see, and to commit both himself and his case to the protection of the lord pope. He underwent exile four years after the exile of St Thomas of Canterbury. With the Lord guiding his journey, therefore, he went to visit the apostolic see, and as one might expect in a man of experience and polished eloquence he set forth his case to the lord Alexander who was then supreme pontiff very intelligently and effectively. He omitted none of the circumstance, nor added anything untrue, but set forth the sequence of events in the matter to him stage by stage. On hearing this, the lord pope was struck with very considerable surprise that a man of such character and discernment who had been canonically elected should have been so readily rejected without reasonable cause, and in addition forced into exile. Therefore he undertook to defend his just case, and promised reliable advice and assistance in accordance with the merits of his case.
By order of the pope therefore Alexis, a subdeacon of the holy Roman church and nuncio of the apostolic see to find out the facts about the church of St Andrews, entered Scotland along with John the bishop-elect, who had previously been confirmed by the pope, though King William was reluctant to allow the visit. The said confirmed man had secured agreement that in conformity with the dignity of the church of St Andrews and the king’s honour he was to be consecrated to the episcopal see by whatever bishops he wanted. After many discussions and many troubles, with even the excommunication of some of the king’s clerks and a threat of interdict over the see of St Andrews besides (though John by no means agreed to this being done), when nearly all the bishops, abbots and eminent clergy designated by eminent office had been called together at Edinburgh in the church of the monastery at Holyrood, Alexis had John splendidly consecrated as bishop for the aforesaid see on Holy Trinity Sunday, 8 June, by Matthew bishop of Aberdeen by virtue of a mandate of the lord pope Alexander. The man this consecrated, realizing that he was without a bishopric, immediately left the province sadly for fear of the king and the wrath of the king’s men, and sought to return to the Roman court.

Ch. 37, p. 377: How he remained an exile at the Roman court for seven years
When he had stayed at the Roman court for a fair amount of time while the pope was taking advice and on his instructions, fearing that he was perhaps a nuisance to the lord pope or any of his court, he sought permission to leave immediately and stay somewhere else where the lord would allow it. The pope spoke to him: ‘Stay with us; don’t be afraid and do not take it on yourself to go anywhere away from the court, lest it happen that in your absence your adversaries sent from the king of Scotland’s side arrive, to accuse you on many points, and lest there is no one here to set himself up as a wall of defence on your behalf, or speak up for you against your accusers. But if you are complaining that you are short of the necessities of life, do not worry or be upset in any respect about these things, for we, by reason of our power, possess in abundance and superabundance what is lacking for your needs. Let there be one purse for all of us.’
Meanwhile, the lord pope sent a letter to the king admonishing and requesting him to allow the bishop to come home, and to receive him honourably on his return with proper filial affection. Otherwise lest so just a case for the case for the church appear to be lost by his neglect, the pope threatened to act more severely soon. For the pope wanted to pursue peaceful means of action, because a report of long standing made him cautiously take care for the future, that is lest a situation arise between the king and the bishop like that four years earlier when the same pope issued thunderbolts of judicial censures against King Henry of England (a relative of King William himself), who had nonetheless contemptuously and cruelly allowed Thomas archbishop of Canterbury to be killed in the bosom of mother church, whose rights the bishop was protecting. Therefore in the manner of a deaf snake closing his ears lest he hear the voice of a wise man casting a spell, the king neither yielded to warnings nor was frightened by threats, but persisted unmoved in his earlier purpose; he despised the menaces of the man who was issuing threats, and passed by with a deaf ear the prayers of the suppliant. Thereupon the supreme pontiff was much angered, and determined to place an interdict on the whole kingdom of Scotland unless the king without excessive delay were to make amends and promise to take the bishop under his protection with due honour. When he heard this, the bishop prostrated himself at the feet of the lord pope, vehemently imploring him to deign to cancel his intended purpose in this matter lest the Scottish church should be suspended on account of any case affecting him, and lest prayers of thanksgiving be not offered in it to the Lord in the usual way. ‘I prefer, holy father’, he said, ‘to surrender my right now, and resign the episcopal rank into your hands with the responsibilities attached to this rank, rather than that the masses being celebrated for the redemption of souls lying in Purgatory should be discontinued for even one day on account of any dignity conferred or to be conferred on me.’ The pope’s resolution was broken by his tearful entreaties, seeing that he wanted to surrender the bishopric rather than allow proceedings for the maintenance of his suit; and full of great admiration he restrained himself, and from that day forward it turned out that John found so much goodwill in the eyes of the supreme pontiff that whatever he asked of the pope which could legally be granted, he immediately acquired, and he did not suffer the rejection of the request which he had justifiably and reasonably made. He was compelled to stay in exile for seven years continuously, like Thomas of Canterbury, so that not even by letters from the lord pope and the cardinals, who wrote very warmly on his behalf, was he able to obtain permission from the king to return home.

Ch. 39, p. 387: How the bishop divided the see of Dunkeld
…At length John was elected bishop of Dunkeld, so that all grounds for dispute would be removed, and a lasting settlement achieved, with both king and clergy cheerfully consenting, and he was accepted by everyone with the greatest devotion. But seeing that he had suffered much expense, and wearisome hardships and damages while an exile for seven years, and the see of Dunkeld was far inferior to the see of St Andrews in revenues and estates, it was decreed in common council as some compensation that all the revenues which he held in the diocese of St Andrews when he held his archdeaconry were to remain permanently with him in full, and after his death they were to be returned to the diocese of St Andrews without argument. He was therefore harmoniously elected bishop of Dunkeld, confirmed by the lord pope, consecrated by his authority…
Sir Hugh, his successor in the see of St Andrews, remained a bishop there for ten years and many months, and when he went to the Roman see regarding the case between him and John of Dunkeld, and had been received into the pope’s favour and absolved regarding his intrusion into the see, died six miles from the city on this side on 4 August 1188.

Ch. 41, p 393: The succession of Roger and William as bishops of the same
In 1189 after bishop Hugh’s death Roger, the son of a nobleman who was early of Leicester, and a kinsman and chancellor of the lord king William, was elected to the bishopric of St Andrews on 13 April (a Friday); and in 1198 he was consecrated to his episcopal see by Richard bishop of Moray on the first Sunday in Lent, in the presence of the king, etc. And he served as bishop-elect for ten years, and as a consecrated bishop for three years and a half . He died at Cambuskenneth on 7 July 1202, and was buried in the old church of St Andrew.
In this year a certain legate called John who had been sent to Scotland translated William bishop of Glasgow at the request of King William, and appointed him bishop of the church of St Andrews. His postulation and translation took place at Scone on 20 September (a Friday). He ruled the church of St Andrews with vigour and distinction through many misfortunes for thirty-five years, ten months and two weeks. For he devoted himself with ever-watchful attention to restoring property that had been dispersed and alienated to its original condition, to preserving with discerning purposefulness what had been gathered together and assigned for the church’s purposes, and with cheerful countenance and jovial disposition to making generous distributions. Yet he arbitrarily took from the house of Dunfermline, it is said, the right to nominate to the vicarages of Kinglassie and Hailes, because on one occasion when he was spending the night at Dunfermline he had insufficient wine to drink in his room after supper. And this was not the fault of the monks’ servants, but of his own, who by reckless serving of the amount of wine which had been calculated as sufficient for his need used it up earlier than expected. At length he died at Inchmurdo on 9 July 1238 (a Friday), and is buried in the new church of St Andrew…

Ch. 43, p. 399: Bishops William Fraser and William Lamberton
On 4 August 1279 William Fraser, the king’s chancellor, was elected, with the Culdees again excluded then as in the preceding election. He was consecrated in the Roman court by the lord pope Nicholas on 19 May 1280. He served as bishop-elect for ten months and six days, as bishop for seventeen years, three months and eight days; and so as elect and bishop for eighteen years and fifteen days. Wanting to avoid the tyranny of Edward Longshanks king of England and the hostile acts of the English, he withdrew to France and met his end at Auteuil on 20 August 1297; and he was buried in the church of the Friars Preachers in Paris. Then after a little while his heart was brought to Scotland, and was buried by his successor William de Lamberton in the wall of the church of St Andrews next to the tomb of bishop Gamelin.
In the meantime in 1295 indeed, while the said Bishop William was staying in France, all Englishmen holding benefices in the diocese of St Andrews were ejected permanently from all their benefices by judicial decree of Master William de Kinghorn and Master Peter de Campania on account of the clearest grounds for suspicion of treason, and credible proofs of criminal conspiracy against the king and state of the kingdom. In like manner all and sundry of the rest of the English, both clerics and laymen, were expelled by the king’s council on account of their plotting, William Wallace being the man who put their decree into effect.
William Fraser was succeeded by William de Lamberton, who was then chancellor of Glasgow. He was elected on 5 November 1297, with the Culdees then entirely excluded as in the two previous elections. On this account William Comyn who was then provost of the Culdees opposed this election. He went to Rome, and in the presence of the lord pope Boniface VIII challenged the said election and the man who had been elected in every way that he could, but to no effect. For notwithstanding his objections, the lord pope approved the election, confirmed the bishop-elect, and on 1 June 1298 consecrated him in due fashion.
It should be noted that episcopal jurisdiction during a vacancy rests entirely with the chapter. This jurisdiction was effectively administered throughout the whole diocese by Master Nicholas de Balmyle, the official of the court of St Andrews appointed by the chapter of the same place, and was exercised in the name of the chapter as fully as possible under the law.
This William had an affectionate love for his canons and did many good things during his lifetime. While extremely concerned with the repair of the monastery buildings and making much available for that, he repaired little on his own estates. After he had served as bishop for some eighteen years, when shown by members of his household to be guilty of not building his own manor houses, he is said to have once replied in some agitation: ‘With the help of the grace of God, I intend to erect buildings of such size and of such strength that many as my successors will think it important to maintain them in a suitable or similar condition’. From then on he completed one of his manor houses nearly every year at quite considerable expense, namely his own fortress palace at St Andrews, his manor houses at Inchmurdo, Monimail, Dairsie, Torry, Muckhart, Kettins, Monymusk, Liston, Lasswade and Stow in Wedale; he also built a new chapter-house at his own expense. He splendidly adorned the beams of the great church with shaped boards and carvings, and left to the canons of the same a valuable red vestment adorned with embroidered pictures, along with a mitre and pastoral staff and a great many books. He ruled his church in a praiseworthy manner with wisdom and foresight and complete integrity of character; he preserved its rights and ecclesiastical liberties intact all his days, and adorned it in many ways with other signs of his virtues. He served as bishop-elect for seven months and two weeks, and as bishop for thirty years, thirty weeks and six days. Then he fell ill with the complaint by which he was carried off from this life in the monastery of St Andrews, in the room of the lord prior of that place; and he was buried in the great church to the north of the altar on 7 June 1328.

Ch. 44, p. 403: The bishops sir James Ben, sir William Bell elect, and William Laundels
On 19 June of the said year the canons of St Andrews held an election, with the Culdees entirely excluded as with previous elections. The method of a general vote was used, and with some agreeing on sir James Ben who was then archdeacon of St Andrews, and some on Alexander de Kininmund who was then archdeacon of Lothian, the election was a disputed one. But sir James, who as then staying at the Roman court in person, before news of the outcome of the election reached him, obtained the bishopric by appointment of the lord pope John XXII, who had reserved for his own appointment nearly all the bishoprics in the world. Sir Alexander then went to the Roman court and was made bishop of Aberdeen by the lord pope’s provision. Sir William Comyn, who was then provost of the Chapel Royal, challenged this election, but this was a pretence of an appeal, as it were; and on this account he did not follow it up by going to the Roman court. Later he was promoted archdeacon of Lothian by favour of the lord pope. This bishop sir James, in fear of the ferocity and intolerable cruelty of the English, who were on the rampage everywhere in the kingdom of Scotland after the battle of Dupplin, for the young boy David had earlier been crowned by him, came to St Andrews by night from Loch Leven, bidding farewell to the prior and convent he boarded a ship there the next night with a few companions. Not many days later he landed safely in Flanders, and while staying in the town of Bruges he departed this life on 22 September 1332, and was buried at the Eeckhout monastery of regular canons of Bruges. He served as a bishop then for four yearsm two weeks and as many days.
In this year on 19 August William Bell dean of Dunkeld was elected by means of the compromise procedure; the Culdees were then entirely excluded, claimed no right in that election, and raised no objection. He went to the curia which was then Avignon, where he encountered many opponents and adversaries, by whom the processing of his case was in the end held up until the promotion as bishop of sir William Laundels. Smitten indeed by various afflictions, and in the end overtaken by old age and stricken with blindness, he resigned his right of election. After returning from the curia in the company of the said William de Laundels who had now been promoted to the see, and assuming the habit of the regular canons in the monastery at St Andrews, he breathed his last in the infirmary there on 7 February 1342.
On 18 February of the previous year sir William de Laundels rector of the church of Kinkell was promoted to the bishopric by provision of the lord pope Benedict XII, and on 17 March he was consecrated. The support which came in many requests to the supreme pontiff and his venerable college of cardinals from the illustrious kings of France and Scotland and also from other venerable persons recommended him as worthy of a bishopric on the strength of the merits of his life. But it was especially the letters (both public and private) of the chapter of St Andrews, sent on various occasions to the same see on his behalf, and taking into account the resignation of the said master William Bell, which achieved the processing of his business. Without them any other letters in the form of petitions would have entirely failed to achieve processing, a fact that is more fully made clear in the public bulls of the lord pope himself. In these William is not recommended as if by the request of some individual, but he is openly named as the elect of the same church. This see from the death of sir James Ben to the promotion of sir William Laundels was vacant for nine years, five months and eight days.

Ch. 45, p. 405: The same [William Laundels] and sir Walter Trayl
This William Laundels was a man from a leading family, generous and kind, the lord and heir of all the lands and estate of Laundels, witty, generous, cheerful, gentle, forbearing, handsome and peaceable, a [sincere] lover of the canons as his own sons. When he had held office for forty-four years, he met his end at a good old age in the monastery of St Andrews. He died on the feast of St Tecla the Virgin 1385, on the seventh anniversary of the burning of the church of St Andrew, and he is buried in the paved floor in the great church opposite the door to the sacristy under a finely carved stone.
He was succeeded by Walter Trayl, a champion of the church, a knight of civil law, a doctor of canon law, and a man equipped with all the liberal arts, who was, however, not elected, but appointed by provision at the wish of the lord pope Clement VII. (This pope was in the straight line of descent from Mary Countess of Boulogne, the daughter of Margaret the queen and Malcolm the king of Scotland). Walter was then a referendary in the court of this pope at Avignon, one of the inner circle of his household and a distinguished auditor of cases. As a mark of the pope’s exceptional esteem for this man, it is said that when news came of the vacancy in the bishopric of St Andrews, the pope suggested concerning him that in his judgement the same Walter was more worthy of the papacy than of a bishopric. By his [Trayl’s] provision the person would be far worse provided for than the place.
Despite this, after the death of the said sir William de Laundels the chapter, on some unknown day, elected sir Stephen Pay prior of St Andrews, a very generous man inclined to plain speaking, lofty in stature, attractive to onlookers and extremely popular. Making a rapid start on a journey to the Roman court with his election decree and letters of recommendation from the king and the chapter to acquire confirmation, he accidentally when at sea fell into the hands of pirates, and was taken as a captive to England. And because he knew that the monastery of St Andrews was threatened by the great expense of the burden of his ransom and the unfortunate fire which had burnt their church not long before, he chose rather to end his life in England than through a ransom of this kind do too much harm to the bishopric or the monastery. There by God’s will he took ill at Alnwick, as a result of which he was borne away from this world; his soul departed from its bodily dwelling-place and, it is hoped, entered into the joy of the Lord on 2 March 1385.
After his death, as has been said above, the said Walter Trayl succeeded to the bishopric. Although he belonged to a family of middling status, nevertheless by the nobility of his character he surpassed his lineage. Once he had been made bishop therefore, with his appointment graciously expedited and confirmed by bulls of the lord pope, he hurried to his native land and satisfied the demands of his office well enough; as priest, bishop, and a good skilled master of the virtues, a good pastor among his people, he had been given authority by the pope over peoples and kingdoms, that is those of good birth living in his diocese and the magnates of the kingdom, to eradicate deeply-rooted sins, and tear down the ramparts of heretics, and destroy the deliberations of the wicked and build on the foundation of morals and plant on faith. For it was suitable for such a man to be put in charge of such a church, on whose judgement depended the government of almost the whole kingdom in matters of difficulty. He bestowed on everyone what was of advantage to them – advice to the king and court, cash payments to his church: and being thus involved in the concerns of the court, because he had concern for everything, he left room for neglect in neither of his administrative functions. By thus adorning himself everywhere with the embellishments of the virtues, he inculcated spiritual lesson dint he people all the more on that account. Thus he suppressed vices in himself, lest they held sway; he tamed the flesh, lest it be in control; he raised up the spirit to take the lead; not as it were lording it over the clergy, but, having become a model for his flock, he presented himself as an example of good works towards everybody. He reproached laymen who maligned the church with ecclesiastical censure; he curbed clerics from worldly affairs and commerce; and he restrained priests with concubines from all brother-keeping throughout the whole of his diocese, and banished them from vile filth of this kind, so that there was no cleric there at all among the men of holy church who obviously and openly kept a concubine without Walter either humbling him, however eminent he may be, with imprisonment, or depriving him of his benefice, or otherwise very shrewdly sanctioning a permanent separation.
This sever critic of morals therefore and corrector of faults, than whom no one was more severe in his rebukes, more gentle in his compassion, more lavish in his expenditure, more friendly in his conversation, ore ready with his assistance, had no fear of the threats of magnates, nor was he a respecter of persons, nor was anyone found like him in maintaining the law Most High. Broken by old age, when he was about seventy, he died in the castle at St Andrews which he had himself built from the foundation on [ ] 1401. He served as a bishop for sixteen years, and was honourably buried in the burial place of the bishops next to the high altar in the church of St Andrew on the north side within the screen. There is was written of him:
This man was an upright pillar of the church, a bright window, a scented censer, a resounding bell.

Ch. 46, p. 409: Bishop Henry Wardlaw
After the death of the said sir Walter Trayl, Thomas Stewart was elected. He was a son of the elder King Robert, a brother of King Robert III, a paternal uncle of James I, archdeacon of St Andrews, a man of very retiring disposition and dove-like innocence. After his election had been approved and the election decree was about to be transmitted to the curia, he renounced his election; and Master Walter Danielston was postulated, who took possession of the fruits of the see until his death.
This Walter Danielston with a large force of armed men set himself up as lord in Dumbarton castle, causing great annoyance to the king and the kingdom. A man of action, he could not be prised away from the king’s other castle, other than by a transfer of this kind. Yet he died as keeper of the castle. Someone has written this about both Walters, that is Trayl and Danielston, first about the former:
Vessel of Virtue! Food and light for the emaciated
Who revives the sick with life-saving abundance.

He changes his style for the latter, saying thus:
Because you fail to do these things you will change your fame and fame.
An etymology arising from the contrast:
Vessel of the Vices! Food of indulgence
Who without pity holds the sick in check by a sulphurous lash.

After the death of this Walter de Danielston, the venerable father, Master Gilbert Grenlaw was postulated. A man supported by the dignity of all the virtuous habits, he was bishop of Aberdeen and chancellor of the kingdom of Scotland, tenacious for justice, firm and calm in all his conduct. But meanwhile, following a provision of the Lord Benedict XIII, there came home from the curia at Avignon a man of distinguished blood, that is Master Henry de Wardlaw the cardinal bishop of Glasgow. This man was gentle, kind and liberal, handsome in appearance and more handsome in his character, slight of build but pleasing in personality. In his endeavour to please everybody in doing good, he entertained daily at great cost beyond his means, but was an agreeable innkeeper who charged nothing. It was he who as the prime founder brought the university to the city of St Andrews, who built the Guardbridge at great expense, and who obtained from King Robert III two-thirds of the great custom of St Andrews for himself and his successors as bishops forever, while he previously held no more than one third. Between him, however, and the said sir Walter Trayl the see was vacant for three and a half years. He served as bishop for nearly forty years, and when worn out by age after this present life’s course, he was buried in the church of St Andrew in the wall between the choir and the Lady Chapel with greater honour than that given to his predecessors. He died in the castle after Easter on 6 April 1440. Consider his further praise on his epitaph:
Alas for one whom the fretful stone presses upon as he is weighed down by the tomb.
See I commence my mournful verse expressing my grief for a father.
The earthly flesh of the noble Henry Wardlaw is thus buried: the circumstance demands that, within a short space of time, it becomes that from which it was created.
My Muse, groaning, add in your lamentations, redoubling your grief, since the rampant rage of death thus lays low all honours.
Dust is turned to dust hidden here in this burial.
See, equal desolation subdues high and low alike.
This man was a guide to the blind and a foot to the lame; a source of salvation to the sick,
By his outstanding fame, giving teaching to those who followed him.
He was clothed in piety, goodness, the integrity of the law, virtue, peace and probity; he in person removed harmful scourges.
Fair in his judgements, he balanced the scales of justice with impartiality.
He was a model, an example, and the glory of the people, of the clergy and his country.
As a teacher he rightly propagated God’s decrees by his example.
The schools founded on the Rymont stream are his noble achievement.
The whole of Scotland drinks at the waters of this stream.
The school flourishes in the wake of this bishop everywhere renowned.

If someone seeks to find out who is the subject of these verses, he will soon be able to find out by looking at their initial letters.

Ch. 47, p. 413: James Kennedy bishop of St Andrews
On the following 22 April 1440 the nobleman Master James Kennedy, the nephew of King James I by his sister the countess of Angus, and bishop of Dunkeld, was postulated by the method of accepting the guidance of the Holy Spirit. He was then at the curia at Florence with the lord pope Eugenius, from whom in the previous year he obtained the monastery of Scone in commend. But before his election decree and the royal letter of recommendation reached the curia, he was provided with the bishopric of St Andrews. He celebrated his first mass with great splendour in his church on the feast of St Jerome, which fell on a Sunday, in 1442.
[Chapters 49-57 discuss the Priors of St Andrews]

Book VIII
Ch. 25, p. 323: The fickleness of the men of Galloway; and the attempt by the English to make the Scottish church subject to them
In this year [1178] Master John surnamed Scot but English by race was elected to the bishopric of St Andrews. But King William refused to agree to his election and caused his own chaplain Hugh to be consecrated as bishop. Between the two parties a grave dispute and f=dangerous division emerged (concerning which see above, Book VI, where there is an account of the bishops of St Andrews).

Ch. 67, p. 441: The privilege of the Scottish church that it be subject to no one except the Roman pontiff [transcription of the papal bull cum universi]
Innocent the bishop, servant of the servants of God sends his greeting and apostolic blessing to his most beloved son in Christ, William the illustrious king of the Scots and to his successors in perpetuity.
Although all the faithful should find protection and favour with the apostolic see, yet it is right and proper that those whose faithfulness and devotion that see has experienced on many occasions should be especially cherished by the bulwark of its protection, so that they may be all the more encouraged to fervent love for it and with even more devoted affection may allow themselves to be governed by reverence and devotion which we know you have shown toward the Roman church from long times past, and following the example of our predecessor Pope Celestine of happy memory, we most strictly enjoin in this our present letter that since the Scottish church, which is recognized as comprising the bishoprics of St Andrews, Glasgow, Dunkeld, Dunblane, Brechin, Aberdeen, Moray, Ross and Caithness, is directly subject without intermediary to the apostolic see, of which it is a specially favoured daughter, no-one save only the Roman pontiff or a legate despated a latere should be permitted to proclaim an interdict or sentence of excommunication upon the kingdom of Scotland.




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]]> Concilia Scotiae: Ecclesiae Scoticanae Statutae tam Provincialia Quam Synodalia Quae Supersunt.]]> How the Conservator should be chosen
And we ordain firstly that every year the duty of preaching be laid on one of the bishops one after the other, to be performed at the next council by himself or by another to be proposed by him, beginning with the bishop of St Andrews; and that by choice of the others one of the bishops be appointed conservator of the statutes of the council; who shall hold his office from council to council and shall punish open and notorious offenders against the council or the transgressors of any decree passed at it, and shall effectually compel them to make due satisfaction by ecclesiastical censure as law demands.

[Constitutions of David, Bishop of St Andrews, 1242]
To the office of pastor it pertains, as concerns the state of the churches entrusted to him and the instruction of those under his charge, to take vigilant care that when called to given an account of the flock committed to him he may be able to give the Lord interest on his talent. Therefore it is that of the rules that have been made by the ancient fathers we recall some to mind at present, adding other anew, lest (which God forbid!) we should appear to treat our office lightly.

That churchyard be enclosed
As to the state of the churches, we decree that in the first place it be seen to that churchyards be suitably enclosed all the way round, so that no access be open to brutish and unclean beasts; for sacred places should be kept clean, and such as have been duly consecrated to God by bishops.

Of the enclosing of churchyards and the repairing and adorning of churches
We decree further that round about, as far as the chancels extend, churchyards be enclosed by the rectors, the remaining portion by the parishioners, unless the custom prevails that the whole of the churchyard be enclosed by the parishioners. Item that the churches be roofed, that the walls be unbroken and not ruinous, the windows of glass and unbroken – those round the chancel to be kept in repair by the rector, but let those round the church be put in order by the parishioners. Item that the clergy be compelled thereto by the suspension of their stipend until the necessary repairs have been made; the laity, by suspension of their church privileges. We direct further that every church or chapel able to support a priest have its own priest, and have a silver chalice; and to the purchase of the same,, and as well as for the other things necessary for the altar, whether in vestments or books or lights, let the rectors be compelled each by suspension of this benefice until out of their benefices the thing lacking have been purchased; and, once acquired, they are to remain the property of the churches. The flagons or cruets for keeping the wine and the water for the eucharist of the Lord should be of silver or of pewter; the sacrarium neat and undilapidated; let the font also be not of wood but of stone and of becoming appearance, and let it not be put to other uses.

That chrism, eucharist and fonts be secured with a lock
We decree also that in all churches the chrism, the eucharist and the fonts be kept under safe keeping, locks and keys being provided, lest some overbold hand may reach forth to them to the commission of abominable and unspeakable acts. But if he who has the charge of them has carelessly left them unguarded, let him be suspended from his office for three months; and if any sacrilege have thence arisen, let him underlie a more severe penalty.

Of the visitations of archdeacons
Further, we will that every church in our diocese be visited by our archdeacons or their deans every year, and all deficiencies in churches and churchyards, books and ornaments, be brought under our notice in writing; that whatever is to be put right may be put right in accordance with our instructions.

Of the life and good repute of the clergy
We decree furthermore that all the clergy, in whatever rank they be, and particularly those in holy orders who have the cure of souls, have their hair clipped all round, so that their ears be covered, and have large and seemly crowns [of hair]. That priests do not have capes with sleeves, or plaited capes, but round ones without sleeves; nor shoes nor sleeves decorated with laced-work. To this we add that all clerics, and particularly priests, unless when on a journey or under pressure of necessity, must not eat or drink in taverns or mix with open tipplers. Let them not play at dice or other games. And if on transgressors of this statute injury of the nature of the violent laying on of hands be in any way inflicted by laymen, let no hearing be given by the ordinary, but let the priests be suspended for three months. And especially we will and ordain that priests, who daily handle the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ, and where they are by their duty bound to administer whenever the occasion calls, shall not have wenches in their own or other people’s houses; but let their dwellings be clean and respectable. Nor let them even have kinswomen in their houses, unless they be such as no suspicion can arise about; but if they be disposed to make provision for such, let them do so in places far removed from themselves and beyond suspicion. Let no-one, moreover, receive in his house, entertain or keep a priest’s wench or concubine. But is any one transgress this statute, let him be held bound by the church to give condign satisfaction, and be otherwise punished at the discretion of the judge, so that temporal punishment may at least deter from sin those whom the fear of God does not restrain from evil.

Of the wenches or concubines of clergymen
We decree that after this whatever priest be found to keep a wench or a common prostitute and, after having been once fined in proportion to his means, be convicted of returning to her or to another such-like woman, or be unable to clear himself when common report charges him therewith, we will that such one be thenceforth suspended by our authority without hope of pardon. Let priests beware of having carnal knowledge of their woman-penitents, and offence for which the canon inflicts a penance of fifteen years and thereafter seclusion in a monastery; for they sin no less heinously than if they were carnally to know those to whom they acted as godfathers. And because it behoves us sometimes to devise new remedies, we enjoin further that priests’ concubines be not admitted by any church to the kiss of peace or the holy water. And if they remain in the priests’ house till their death, let them be refused Christian burial; and if the priests die first let the concubines receive nothing from their wills. Further, let a priest’s concubine obtain nothing in consequence of his promise made to her for the dishonour done to her body. Item let no priest admit a priest’s concubine to penance unless she resolve to forsake her sin – for sin should never be forgiven unless it is first forsaken; and this rule is to hold good in the case of any one openly living in a state of mortal sin.

Of the celebrations of masses
Item the utmost care must be taken that in the consecration of the body and the blood of our Lord water be added in so moderate a quantity that the wine be not absorbed by the water but the water by the wine. But let the wine be not absorbed by the water, but rather the water by the wine. But let the wine used be red rather than white; in white wine, however, there is valid consecration. Let priests beware that the wine be not turned to vinegar or mouldy; and be particularly careful not to celebrate with vinegar, since vinegar has lost all the substantial properties. Let the host be made of pure wheat, round and entire and spotless, because the Lamb of God is without spot and not a bone of him was broken. Once a day in every church before the Pax Domini is said in any mass, whether it is for the dead or any mass, led there be said, with prostration and the ringing of the bell, the prayers for the remission of sins: Paternoster, Deus venerunt, Levavi, and the collects for the king and the bishop, and for the troubles and perils of the church; and when these have been finished let there be said Kirieleyson thrice, Paternoster…et de nos; afterwards these prayers, Exurgat Deus, Dominie salvum me fac, Fiat pax; the collect Deus in cujus, and in that collect let there be added ‘for our king and queen and their children’; the collect Deus qui caritatis dona; the collect Ecclesie tue quesumus Domine preces etc. Now when the celebrant has come to the participation of the body and the blood of our Lord, if he must celebrate a second time on the same day – which it is not lawful for any priest to do unless there is an urgent necessity – let him not take the wine, or the water which after the consecration is poured out to rinse the chalice; for by every kind of meat or drink is his fast broken, so that on that account he could not celebrate. Let him pour that rinsing of the chalice into some clean and seemly vessel set apart expressly for this use and no other, and let him take it after his second celebration. But if some boy or other be present of whose piety the celebrant has no doubt, he may safely give the aforesaid ablutions to him.

Of the same
Item let no celebrant elevate the host, but let him keep it in front of his breast, until those words are finished: ‘This is my body’. Item we forbid any priest to serve two churches. Item let the parish priest not celebrate masses for the dead on receipt of or in hope of payment. Item, if it has been entrusted to anyone, as executor, to have masses said for the living or for the dead in any particular manner, or to select one priest rather than another for celebrating in the said masses, let him not receive any kind of remuneration.

Of the reservation of the eucharist and the visitation of the sick
We further decree that when in cities, burghs, and castles the eucharist is brought to the sick it be placed in a clean and befitting pyx and that the pyx itself be placed in a chalice of pewter if such is possessed, and that it be wrapped in a clean linen cloth: and proceeded by a lantern, cross and holy water let the priest, clad in surplice, if the weather permit, holding the pyx aloft in a solemn and reverent manner, go in the procession to the sick person, unless he is at a great distance: but otherwise let the eucharist be carried in a clean and seemly pyx enclosed in a box which may serve to protect the pyx from the inclemency of the weather. Let the host which is to be given to the sick be renewed every Lord’s day and put in a seemly and secure place. On other days, however, it may be renewed at need.

Of baptism and the form of baptising
Deacons cannot baptise and administer the sacrament of penance and let them not presume to minister the eucharist. In peril of death a deacon and even a layman will have power to baptise. Parishioners should be taught these things in church, and how baptism is to be administered under these words: ‘I baptise thee in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.’ For which reason the child who has in accordance with this canon been baptised in a critical emergency should not be exorcised. By no means let the priest supplement the last rites which in baptism precede the immersion but only those which follow. And we further enjoin that if there is doubt of any one’s baptism, he should by all means be baptised (for it cannot be said that the sacrament has been conferred once) with these words: ‘If thou hast been baptised I do not baptise thee, but if thou hast not been baptised I baptise thee in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.’

Of penance
To eradicate simoniacal corruption from the priesthood we further enact that on no layman in sickness or in health shall they enjoin masses for a penance. We order also that no priest receive another’s parishioner to penance unless by permission of his own priest. But if that parishioner ask to go to a more discreet priest, then let his own priest in kindness grant him permission. The parishioner must however in that case be careful not to divide his confession; but without his own priest’s permission let him go to no other. Moreover, let the priest explain that extreme unction makes nothing unlawful to the sick man after he receivers which had been lawful to him before he took ill. He should also explain that the said extreme unction can be repeated as often as may be required.

Of burial
Moreover, we will that if any one has been overtaken by sudden death he shall not lack Christian burial, unless he has died an excommunicated person or been killed in some deed in which he commits mortal sin. For with whom in life we are in communion, with him also in death we ought to be in communion.

Of matrimony
Marriage must absolutely not be contracted between persons who are unknown nor even between persons who are known, unless it has been preceded by a threefold solemn proclamation, as well of the man as of the woman, publicly made in the church on three Sundays.

Proclamation of excommunication to be made in churches four times in the year
Item we decree that solemn sentence of excommunication be pronounced in all churches on Sunday four times every year. Let a general excommunication be pronounced against all soothsayers, fire-raisers, forgers, professional usurers, robbers on the king’s highway; all who wittingly obstruct wills lawfully made; all laymen who withhold or seize, diminish or carry off unjustly teinds or lands or other privileges or possessions of the church; all witnesses who deliberately forswear themselves, so that through them some person loses any inheritance or ecclesiastical or secular benefice. Item that no priest without the advice of his bishop absolve such perjurers unless in peril of death. Item that the priest publicly warn his parishioners that no one under colour of a reprehensible custom which has long been prevalent, swear in concert with his neighbours against his conscience either through affection for another or through another’s bidding. Item that perjurers of this sort be not absolved without the advice of the bishop unless in imminent peril of death. Item that priests first and foremost admonish such of their parishioners as are open fornicators and persuade them to put away their strumpets. And if afterwards they return to them, that in the presence of at least three trustworthy witnesses summoned for the express purpose, an oath be exacted from the fornicators that if they thereafter have knowledge of their strumpets, they shall henceforth treat them as their wives.

Of residence
Item, that a parson or vicar do not leave his own parish and take up residence in burgh or town save on urgent occasion, or when a dispensation has been granted to him. That he who has been once admonished and does not return, be deprived of the revenues of his church for the space of four years.
That marriages or proposals not be contracted without witnesses
Item that no one contract marriage or betrothal unless in the presence of lawful witnesses, by whom the marriage can be proved should any doubt arise about it.

Of monks and canons-regular who are fugitives
Furthermore, for as much as we know of a certainty that many warnings have gone forth from our predecessors and from ourselves to the effect that if there are any monks or canons-regular who are fugitives in this archdeaconry, they return to the observance of their rules to which they are bound by their profession or in any other way: All these, therefore, we admonish anew that they abandon their apostasy and return to their monasteries, or at least seek from us warrants which will issue up till three months from the day of the promulgation of this statute in this archdeaconry: otherwise, let them know that they are thenceforth by our authority excommunicated. And that none may pleas ignorance, let this statute be published in every parish church in the next following Sundays.

That religious be not admitted for a stipulated sum
Item we decree that no monk or nun or other religious person be received into religion for a stipulated sum.

That clerics do not hold secular offices or carry on trades
Item we decree that clerics must not hold secular offices or engage in trade.

That churchmen do not write or dictate sentences involving bloodshed
Item we decree that no churchman dictate or write a sentence involving the shedding of blood

That rectors be resident or appoint vicars
Item we decree that all rectors either reside in their parishes or present vicars to a decent maintenance therein.

Of chaplains and deacons ordained in another diocese
Item we decree that no rector of a church in this archdeaconry keep any chaplain or deacon in the service of his church, even though he himself is sure about him, unless there be lawful evidence of his ordination and good behaviour, and even in that case let him present him to the lord bishop or to his officials; but if a chaplain or deacon be unknown, he shall in no wise be admitted to the exercise of his office in this diocese unless he have letters patent of recommendation from his bishop or his archdeacon, by means of which legitimate assurance may be had as to his ordination and good behaviour.

Of the changing of priests
Furthermore, whereas from the frequent changing of priests much expense and many disadvantages are occasioned to churches, we decree that when any one proceeds to arrange about a priest for his church he should procure for himself one whom he may be able to retain for a year at least; since if he must for any reason be removed at the end of the year or before that, he is to be dismissed and another put in his place only by the advice of our archdeacon or dean or officials; and this we design to be applicable to parish priests.

That churches or benefices be not let on lease
We further also enact that no one receive on any lease any church or living without our own or our officials’ assent; and that particularly that no one have two churches on lease without our authority or permission; and in especial that no layman receive a church on lease. Let a contract to this effect entered into between parties contrary to the tenor of this statute be held as of no effect: and let no hearing be given to those who make complaint of the non-observance of contracts of this kind.

That chaplains do not celebrate until they make their canonical obedience
Also, we forbid, on pain of anathema, any chaplain of a parish church who says mass for the dead, or resides with knights or any others, to celebrate in our diocese, until he makes his canonical obedience; and particularly let not those whose duty it is to say mass for the dead every day in the year bind themselves to perform a trental of masses instead of another.

Of residence and the ordination of vicars
Moreover, we reiterate what our venerable father Otho, by the grace of God legate of Scotland, lately decreed as to the residence and ordination of vicars, and decree that all vicars shall without excuse or exception reside in their parishes and receive holy orders in due succession, under the penalty inflicted in the same statute, which must be observed in both of its articles.

Of rectors
Wishing in our pastoral solicitude to provide for the visitation of churches, we ordain by statute that all rectors of churches shall within five years after they have been appointed to churches, take up residence in their cures as is the duty of pastors; public intimation being given in any parish in which they do not reside that their place of abode is in such and such a parish.

That rectors either have suitable priests in their parishes or be themselves ordained as such
Let the rector of every parish see to it that he has in his parish a priest who is capable, efficient and well-educated, or else declare that he is himself being ordained priest to minister in the same order in the parish.

That rectors be ordained
We decree that all rectors of parishes be at least in minor orders, the next in rank to holy orders without waiting for another admonition after the present one; as to those who do otherwise, let all to whose knowledge this statute shall come know that they are suspended from the revenue of the church, and are over and above liable to be deprived of their benefice.

Where confessions ought to be heard
Furthermore, we forbid confessions of women to be heard between the veil and the altar: they should be heard in another part of the church beyond earshot, but not out of sight of men.

Of the promulgation and observance of the foregoing statutes
We also enact in virtue of holy obedience that the foregoing statutes be published in every parish church without exception, and be carried out in their eternity by all. But let transgressors of these laws know that they will be compelled by ecclesiastical censure to render condign satisfaction: and if these foresaid statutes be not found in any parish of the archdeaconry within eight month from the day of the holding of this synod at Musselburgh, the Monday following the feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross in the year of grace 1242; we have decreed that the rectors of the same parishes, if present, or, if absent, their procurators, are thenceforward by our authority suspended from the revenue of their church.

[Synodal Statues of St Andrews, 14th Century]
We enact the synodal decrees which are hereinafter written:

That rectors possess the synodal decrees
We enact that there be no rector or vicar who does not possess all the synodal decrees and cannot read and understand them (since a consequence is that through their ignorance of them our officials and archdeacons are often put to trouble) and that they be brought every year to the synod and this we decree under a penalty of forty shillings.

That rectors and vicars be resident in their parishes
Item, we have statute that every rector or vicar or other holder of a benefice make personal and continuous residence in the place of his benefice, as the terms on which he holds it require: a rector to be fined in a sum of ten marks, a vicar and other beneficed persons in a sum of one hundred shillings.

Of the manses of the beneficed clergy
Item whereas by reason of the meanness of the houses we cannot be entertained in the benefices within our diocese, and in consequence cannot in our own person perform our official visitation or discharge the duties incumbent upon us in virtue of that office, we have decreed that every holder of a benefice shall against the next visitation make arrangements for building a manse according to the revenue of his benefice, so that we may, if need be, be accommodated therein, and his under a fine of a hundred shillings on every defaulter.

That churchmen put away their wenches or concubines
Item we will and ordain by statute that all and sundry rectors, vicars, and other beneficed persons lead a chaste life and out utterly away from them their wenches or concubines within three months from this date, and that so entirely that no sinister suspicion of incontinence may be cherished against them, under the pain of deprivation on offenders who have been thrice admonished; on those twice admonished, of ten merks, on those once admonished, of forty shillings and suspension from celebrating divine services.

That churchmen ordained without the diocese be not admitted without dimissory letters
We enact that no one from another diocese, especially a foreigner, be allowed to celebrate divine service unless he have letters giving sufficient proof as well of his orders as of his permission to leave the diocese, which shall have been approved by us or our official in synod or consistory. But any contravener we order to be fined in the sum of five merks, to be uplifted by our official and our deans and collectors of escheats

That no religious be engaged for a fee to celebrate without special license
We also decree that no religious be engaged for a fee to serve a cure or minister the sacraments of the church within our own diocese unless he has our special license, which ought to remain in writing in the possession of the said religious.

That no priest celebrate several masses a day
Also, inasmuch as certain priests looking more to gain than to piety, appropriate to themselves the salaries of many, though they can scarcely discharge the sacred obligations of one priest, by celebrating several masses a day – this we forbid to be done when there is no necessity of it. We have ordained that whoso transgresses be punished with a fine of one hundred shillings, to be applied to pious uses.

Item of the same
Item like a penalty must be inflicted on those who have persuaded their temporal lords, whether one or more, male or female, to sue for a permission to the contrary.

Of the hearing of the confessions of clerics
Item because by usage conform to the decisions of canon law no one can be judge in his own cause so far as to be allowed to choose a confessor without the permission of his superior; lest by reason of our neglect those under our authority should incur danger to their souls, we appoint the following, whose names are written below, to hear the confessions of cleric and to enjoin penances to the end of the year, for each of the deaneries, a, b, c, d, e, f, g.

That churches should have their full complement of clergy
We decree also that every church, oratory, or chapel in our see have its full complement of priests and clerics, so that divine worship may not be stinted in our times. Let him, moreover, who is negligent in the matter of this statute be canonically punished.

That priest must not celebrate in short tunics
We have furthermore decreed that no priest celebrate in a tunic so short that it does not reach beyond the knee, under a fine of ten merks, one half of which shall be given to the informer, and the other half applied to pious uses.

That rectors and vicars and parish-priests shall have seals
We furthermore enact that every rector or vicar and parish priest have a seal with his name inscribed on its circumference, so that the bishop and the archdeacons and their officers may be informed and certified as to citations and the execution of their other mandates, and this under a fine of half a merk on every defaulter.

That priests do not wear long knives which are called hangaris
Item we enact that no priest shall wear the long knife which is called a hangar, save when he is equipped for a journey, under the fine of half a merk.

That church-livings be not directly or indirectly leased to laymen
We enact that no rector or vicar or other cleric whatsoever, regular or secular, the possessor of a church living, shall presume to set or let his living on lease to laymen directly, or indirectly, with the help of a clerical person interposed so as to lend colourable and fraudulent appearance to the transaction. But if any one without our license first sought and obtained shall contravene each rule, let him be held liable to be deprived and actually be deprived of the fruits of his benefice for a whole year, and they shall be applied to building the fabric of the church of St Andrews.

That beneficed churchmen do not undertake the management of secular affairs
Item whereas some beneficed churchmen in our diocese, enslaved by the vice of avarice, address themselves to the employments of laymen, in consequence of which clerical credit is often injured; by statute we insist that no rector or vicar or any other churchman whatsoever who holds a benefice shall in any way be understood to manage any layman’s affairs, or shall hereafter presume to make intromissions as to which he will be held bound to render account; seeing that such administrations are utterly prohibited by the sacred canons. But let him who presumes to attempt the contrary underlie the penalty of deprivation, unless perchance the said business has been undertaken in virtue of our special license; the affairs of our lord the King, the Queen and their children alone being excepted.

Nuptials shall not be blessed unless preceded by banns
Still further, whereas the nuptials od some persons marrying contrary to the statutes of the canons have in times past been blessed by priests ignorant of the law, from whose action it is known that great scandal has arisen in the church of God; wherefore we statute and ordain that no priest shall dare to bless or take part in blessing within our diocese the nuptials of any persons of whatsoever rank or dignity they be, unless the banns have been first published and proclaimed according to the custom of the church; notwithstanding any assertion made by the parties in person or by proxy that they are ready to find a canonical pledge for indemnity, which canonical pledge we by the present statute repudiate and decree that it be in nowise accepted. But if any priest, unmindful of his own honour, shall dare to transgress this statute, not only shall he be ipso facto suspended from office without hope of favour, but he shall also lose all hope of preferment unless of our charity a dispensation be granted to him by us. And parties marrying contrary to this our statute shall underlie canonical punishment.

That espousals be not contracted without the presence of priests and witnesses
Furthermore, we decree that parties wishing to contract espousals, whether according to the formula for a union ‘at present’ or ‘in the future’, contract the said espousals in the presence of a priest and of trustworthy witnesses: and we further enjoin that on the next following Sundays and festivals they publish the banns according to the custom of the church, and that thereafter there follow, as quickly and conveniently as possible, the nuptial blessing , given not in private chapels and at night, but solemnly and publicly in their own parish churches; that those, moreover, who contract these espousals have meanwhile no carnal intercourse; but that, if any do so, they underlie canonical punishment as if they were fornicators.

That churchmen under accusation do not resort to laymen for succour
Item whereas some beneficed churchmen in our diocese, as we have learned by experience, careless of their own good name and enemies of their own good character; when about to be, by us and our officials, put under correction for their offences, following the examples of Judas, the despairing traitor, who, after he betrayed our Lord, turned not to the Apostles but to the Jews for counsel; resort to laymen and chiefly to those who are powerful, and return from them, as we have good reason to suspect, not without bestowing gifts to induce them to present supplications, on behalf of themselves and their possessions, to us and our officials, so that they may escape the punishment of their misdemeanours – yet surely not without disgrace to themselves; wherefore we prohibit this to be done in the future, and enact that if anyone be found culpable on this head he not only lose the benefit of such petitions as may have been made on his behalf, but also be held convicted of the offence with which he was charged, even although it has not been otherwise proven.

That excommunicates be not admitted to burial in a churchyard
Item we decree and by statute we forbid any one holding a cure in our diocese, by whatever title he may be rated, who has charge of Christian burial conducted by himself or another, to admit within his churchyard anyone who may have elected to be buried there whom he knows to have in life been excommunicated by canon law or specifically, in general or particular; unless he shall have sufficient evidence of his having been absolved by him who has the power to absolve. But let the contravener know that he will be ipso facto suspended from priestly functions for a year.

Of holding a consistory court once a year
We have also decreed, and by virtue of our episcopal authority ordained by statute, that all rectors, vicars, parish priests and other chaplains of churches officiating for the dead as well as in place of chaplains assemble once in the year, and in this case at our next consistory to be holden after Easter: to wit; those in the archdeaconry of St Andrews in the parish church of the same city, and those in the archdeaconry of Lothian in the church of St Giles in Edinburgh: to hear and receive from us or our official, or other person whom we have judged specially fit to represent us in this matter, our instructions how they should acquit themselves in the celebration of mass and the ministration of the sacraments of the church according to the statutes of the canons, and how they should likewise instruct their parishioners in those matters which concern the salvation of their souls.

Names of persons in every parish who stand in need of discipline are to be reported every year to the bishop in consistory
We statute and ordain that at the above-named days and places they bring in writing with them every year the names of all person in their parishes who need discipline, who are notorious, or about whom there is any public scandal; so that at our next visitation we may suitably reward them as good stewards for their faithful service, in faithfully reporting to us and vigilantly watching over the flock committed to them under us, or contrariwise if they have been negligent.

The names of all who die in every parish should every year be reported to the bishop in his consistory
Furthermore, also, we will and ordain that they [the clergy] bring with them in writing every year, as above, the number and names of all who die in their parishes, of whatever condition, or rank, or age they be, and who have dies testate or intestate, that thereby we may learn how the last wills of deceased persons, and especially in respect of their bequests to religious purposes, are having due effect given to them by the executors of the said deceased persons, or perchance by our officials as executors, if in any respect they have fallen short of their duty. Moreover, let whosoever has been a transgressor of this our statute in whole or in part, be fined, if a rector, forty shilling; if merely a vicar, twenty shillings,; if a parish priest, ten shillings; if merely a chaplain, six shillings and eight pence; unless there is legal proof of his labouring under a canonical impediment. Mow this our statute comes into force on the feast of our Lord’s Resurrection in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred…

Of the obedience of clergymen
Item whereas obedience is better than sacrifice, and contumacy and disobedience are compared to the sins of witchcraft and idolatry, we enact that all clergymen who are contumacious to their bishops in their lawful and canonical commands, and who, having no clear and reasonable cause, refuse to obey, be suspended from office, and if their contumacy become aggravated, be punished with severer penalty.
A general excommunication
We excommunicate all those who dare maliciously to despoil churches of their rights or through ill-will strive to violate their immunities: also all ill-disposed invaders of church property: Item all who burn churches or houses in time of peace: Item all who deliberately withhold teinds: Item all who obstruct testament or matrimony lawfully made: Item all who counterfeit our lord the Pope’s briefs or our lord the King’s seal: Item all false coiners and clippers of money: Item all who give or procure poison to be given to anyone: Item all who wittingly bear false witness or procure it to be borne: Item all who substitute false heirs: Item all who put scandal maliciously on any man when he has not been chargeable: Item all common usurers: Item all sorcerers and all confidently believing in them: Item all who cast down their offspring at church doors or in other places: Item all who put hand on father or mother with evil intent: Item all who put violent hands on priest, deacon, or clerk in holy orders: Item all who take thieves from church or church sanctuary deliberately: Item all guilty of infanticide: Item all who falsely impute a child to another: Item all who hold intercourse with an excommunicated person or wittingly help him: All who, knowing they are suspended, celebrate mass: All guilty of simony as principals or proxies: All who desecrate church or cemetery in consequence of which it requires to be reconciled: All who succour the Saracens in arms or otherwise against Christians: All who favour heretics and who receive schismatics wittingly: All who go about at night for the purpose of stealing: Item all who trouble the peace of the king and most of all the peace of the church with evil intent: Item all who fix false boundaries wittingly: Item, all who withdraw from the unity of holy mother church.

Of the reconciliation of a church
Furthermore, we decree that when a church or churchyard shall have been profaned by the shedding of blood or of sexual seed, if this church or churchyard have been profaned by the rector or the vicar or a parishioner of the said church, or by any other person whatsoever, he who profaned it, provided he be solvent, shall pay the dues in respect of reconciliation of this church or churchyard, But if either have been profaned by someone who has no wise compeared, or has perchance compeared but has been found to be non-solvent, the rector of this parish or his vicar, if there be both in the said parish, shall provide the dues in respect of the reconciliation in this connection, at their own and the parishioners’ expense in equal proportions, since it is their common interest, with reservation also to them of the right of raising an action against the desecrator. Now when there are a rector and a vicar in the same parish, the one half of the dues shall be paid by them in proportion to their respective incomes, and the other half shall be paid by the parishioners themselves, and if need be, they shall be compelled by ecclesiastical censure. Also we interdict, under pain of excommunication in force from this time forth, anyone from daring in the future to have dances, or to hold wrestling matches, or to hold or engage in any other kind of unseemly sports in churches or in churchyards at any festivals or seasons whatsoever, since the occasion of profaning churches or churchyards has been wont to arise from such causes.


[GENERAL STATUTES OF 1549]
The order to be followed in the lectures on grammar and logic
The synod wills and decrees that the rector of every university, not forgetting or overlooking the reasons moving thereto, have a care to admit no students to the classes of logic or of the arts save such as speak Latin, and that grammatically, and that those who wish to acquire the art of dialectic be examined before they are admitted to that study, and that none be admitted to the degree of bachelor or master until after strict examination they have been found qualified to receive it: otherwise let them be put back to the next lower class; and if this is not done, it shall be imputed as a fault to the rector. Item the archdeacon of St Andrews shall take care concerning the master of the grammar school in the city of St Andrews that he be versed in grammatical subjects, of good moral training, and amply competent in other respects to teach boys and such as do not know the simplest elements of grammar.

For the maintenance and the permanent establishment of preachers of the word of God wherein the Christian people are to be nurtured
For the permanent establishment of preachers throughout the province and their maintenance, that the said preachers may not want for food and other necessaries, the archbishop primate, the bishops ordinary, and the inferior clergy, representing in the present provincial council the general convention of bishops and clergy of the realm of Scotland, have, on behalf of themselves and others, respectively assigned to the preachers who shall undertake the preaching, in respect of each of the prelates within the district and among the people subject to his jurisdiction, the following benefices: and provision shall be made that the present possessors do not resign them to others to the detriment of the preachers, as is contained in the instruments drawn up thereanent.
Names of benefices allotted to preachers [St Andrews only]:
For the Archbishop of St Andrews, the rectory or church of Muckhart.
For the priory of St Andrews, the vicarage of Trinity Church at St Andrews

[MANDATE OF THE BISHOPS OF THE KINGDOM OF SCOTLAND – mid 13TH CENTURY]
To all the sons of the holy mother church who shall see or hear these presents, David and Albinus, by the grace of God bishops of St Andrews and Brechin, and Master Abel, chaplain of our lord the pope and Archdeacon of St Andrews, wish eternal wellbeing in the Lord. We have inspected a mandate of the bishops of the realm of Scotland to the following effect: To their most excellent Lord A[lexander III]., by the grace of God the illustrious king of Scotland: David, William, Peter, Clement, Albinus, Robert, William, ministers of the churches of St Andrews, Glasgow, Aberdeen, Dunblane, Brechin, Ross, and Caithness, respectively send greeting and their ever faithful and devoted service. Although the rules ordained in the last council of the kingdom holden at Edinburgh in the presence of you and your magnates have not at all been reduced to writing, yet we cannot believe that these have escaped the memory of your councillors: Namely, that the churches and their prelates should enjoy the peaceful possession of all those rights and liberties which they have received in the time of King Alexander, your father, of happy memory, your royal right and possession being in all cases reserved. Yet now something new and from of old unheard of in the realm of Scotland has been brought in by your councillors: to wit, that ecclesiastical persons should, without the intervention of ay judicial cognition on the part of the prelates, be despoiled by laymen of the possessions bestowed on their churches in alms, as we understand has lately occurred in the case of the Prior of St Andrews. Now since these and the like of these attempts against God and the freedom of the church should not be allowed to take place without attention being called to them, we humbly and devotedly petition your excellency to revoke under the decision already come to whatever has irreverently and inconsiderately been done in the case of the goods of the Prior of St Andrews, and, if it please you, not to permit such things to be done in the future. Otherwise, we shall, at whatever risk to ourselves, rather denounce than be willing to endure what may hereafter turn out to be such an incalculable injury to the church. May your excellency ever prosper in the Lord! In witness whereof we have caused our seals to be affixed to the present document.

Letter of general caption of excommunicate persons
Robert [II], by grace of God king of Scots, to the justiciars, sheriffs, provosts and their bailies to whom the present letters shall come, greeting. We command and enjoin on you that ye compel, by the apprehension and incarceration of their bodies, to give satisfaction to God and the church, all these in your bailiaries or burghs who shall by the reverend father in Christ, William [Landels], bishop of St Andrews, or his officials, be certified to you to have contumaciously remained for forty days and more, in contempt of the keys of holy mother church, under sentence of major excommunication, and that with such expedition that we shall hear no further just complaint on that head as to your failing so to do. The presents to have no validity a year after date, etc.

Letter of caption of excommunicates when the bishop has by letters patent denounced them to the king.
Robert [II or III], by grace of God king of Scots, to the sheriff and his bailies, greeting. The venerable father in Christ, Walter [Trail], by grace of God Bishop of St Andrews, has by his letters patent invoking the secular arm of our royal dignity to the support of the holy mother church, certified us that A. has remained for forty days or more under sentence of excommunication, and so miserably contemning the keys of the church. Wherefore we command and enjoin on you that wherever in your bailiary the said A. shall be found, ye shall by the apprehension and incarceration of his person compel him to give satisfaction to God and the church; and that with such celerity that we may on that head hear no further just complaint of your failing to do so. The presents to have no validity a year after that date, etc.

Letter of procuration by the Abbot of Aberbrothock giving powers to appear for him in a cause concerning him in the Synod of the Archbishop of St Andrews.
Let it by the presents be patent to all men that we, David, by divine permission abbot of the monastery of St Thomas the Martyr of Aberbrothock, of the order of St Benedict and the convent of that place, by unanimous consent and assent of our chapter have made, constituted and appointed, and by the tenor of these presents do make, constitute and appoint these venerable men and brethren in religion: Alexander Masoun prior of Fyvie, Thomas Tullo sub-prior, Thomas Betgranger, John Dryburch cellarer, Robert Cuby, Richard Scot, James Lawsoun and Robert Gray and any one of them, as a body, jointly or singly, to be our true, lawful and undoubted procurators, agents, factors and managers of our affairs, and envoys, special and general: so that the specialty shall not derogate from the generality not contrariwise; and that there be no privileged character of priority amongst them, but what one has begun another of them shall be empowered to carry on, continue and complete, granting and conceding to these our procurators, and any one of them, our plenary powers and special and general mandate to appear for us and in our name, in all and several the causes and suits concerning us in the synod to be held on the twenty-third day of April in the metropolitan church of St Andrews, before the most reverend father in Christ and lord William, by grace of God and the Apostolic See Archbishop of St Andrews, and his vicars-general as his commissaries, one or more; as also all and several the other judges, ecclesiastical or secular within the realm of Scotland, wherever their own jurisdiction may lie: about and concerning all and several the affairs, rights, possessions, and the ecclesiastical actions and disputes which is moving or intending to move against and in opposition to us; and to take action and make defence on our behalf and in our name; to give and receive a libel or libels; to dispute; to dispute or cause to be disputed a plea or pleas; to make, depone and utter oath of calumny or fidelity; to produce and cause to be produced witnesses, letters, endorsements and all the other things proper to procurations; to oppose, reply to, accept or refute for a first, second, third or if need be fourth time the things produced against and contrary to us; to petition that sentences of whatsoever kind be issued, interlocutory or definitive; to appeal, give intimation, insist and prosecute the cause as against these sentences or against any injustice; to make composition, agreement, compromise; to conclude a compromise on faith and penalty, to substitute one or more procurators who should have the same or similar powers with themselves; and generally to do, perform and exercise all and several the other things which in the premises or as regards them may be necessary or even opportune; we holding and to hold as ratified and acceptable all and sundry that these our said procurators, or any one of them, or the substitute or substitutes appointed by them, or any one of them has or have duly and legally thought proper to do; such as we should ourselves do were we personally present and unanimous. Given under the common seal of our said monastery in our chapter house on the nineteenth day of the month of April Anno Domini 1487.
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Proudfoot, E., ‘Excavations of a long cist cemetery on Hallow Hill, St Andrews, fife, 1975-77’, in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 126 (1996), 387-454. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm
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Cowan, ‘The development of the parochial system in Medieval Scotland’, Scottish Historical Review 40 (1961), 43-55. Cowan, I. B. The Parishes of Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, 1967). Cowan, I. B., ‘Church and Society’, in J. Brown ed., Scottish Society in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1977), pp. 112-135. Cowan, I. B., ‘Patronage, Provision and Reservation, Pre-Reformation Appointments to Scottish Benefices’, in I. B. Cowan and D. Shaw edd., The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 75-92. Cowan, I., ‘The Monastic History of the Diocese of St Andrews’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 7-15. Cowan, Ian, and Easson, David (eds.), Medieval Religious Houses: Scotland (2nd edn. London, 1976). 224 Cowan, Mairi, Death, Life, and Religious Change in Scottish Towns, c. 1350-1560 (Manchester, 2012). Dilworth, M., ‘Archbishop James Beaton II: A Career in Scotland and France’, SCHS, xxiii (Glasgow, 1987-1989), pp. 301-1316. Dilworth, Mark, ‘Dependent Priories of St Andrews’ Innes Review, 26 (1975), 56-64. Dilworth, Mark, ‘The Augustinian chapter of St. Andrews’ Innes Review, 25 (1974), 15-30. Dilworth, Mark, Scottish Monasteries in the Late Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1995). Ditchburn, D., ‘ “Saints at the door don’t make miracless”? The Contrasting Fortunes of Scottish Pilgrimage, c.1450-1550’, in J. Goodare and A.A. Macdonald, eds, Sixteenth-century Scotland: Religion, politics and society. Essays in honour of Michael Lynch (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 69-98. Ditchburn, D., ‘The ‘McRoberts thesis’ and patterns of sanctity in late medieval Scotland’, in S. Boardman and E. Williamson, eds, The Cult of Saints and the Virgin Mary in Medieval Scotland (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2010), pp. 177-94. 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Bannerman, ‘Papal Provisions in Scotland in the Fourteenth and Early Fifteenth Centuries’, in B. Crawford, ed., Church, Chronicle and Learning in Medieval and Early Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 1999), pp. 215-226. Kenworthy, J., ‘A further fragment of early Christian sculpture from St Mary’s on the Rock, St Andrews, Fife’, in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 110 (1979-80), 356-63. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm Lawrence, C.H., Medieval Monasticism (London, 1984), chapters 7, 8, 12. MacDougall, Norman, ‘Bishop Kennedy of St. Andrews : a reassessment of his political career’, in Norman MacDougall (ed.), Church, Politics and Society : Scotland 1408-1929 (Edinburgh, 1983), 1-22. Macfarlane, L., ‘The Primacy of the Scottish Church, 1472-1521’, IR, xx (Glasgow, 1969), pp., 111-129. MacFarlane, L.J., William Elphinstone and the Kingdom of Scotland, 1431-1517 (Aberdeen, 1985). McRoberts, D., ‘A St Andrews Pilgrimage Certificate of 1333 at Saint-Omer’, in McRoberts (ed), The Medieval Church of St Andrews (1976). McRoberts, D., ed., Essays on the Scottish Reformation 1513-1625 (Glasgow, 1962). McRoberts, David (ed.), The Medieval Church of St Andrews (Glasgow, 1976). McRoberts, David, '"The glorious house of St. Andrew"', Innes Review, 25 (1974), 95-158. Morris, C., The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford, 1991 /2003), chapters 9, 21. Murray, P. J., ‘Lay Administrators of Church Lands in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, SHR, lxxiv, 1 (Edinburgh,1995), pp. 26-44. Ollivant, Simon, The Court of the Official in Pre-Reformation Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982). Oram, R., ‘Prelatical Builders: A Preliminary Study’ in R. Oram and G. Stell (eds) Lordship and Architecture in Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 2005), 1-25 Oram, R., Domination and Lordship, Scotland 1070-1230 (Edinburgh, 2011), especially Chapter 10. Peltzer, J., Canon Law, Careers and Conquest: Episcopal Elections in Normandy and Greater Anjou c. 1140-1230 (Cambridge, 2008). Rankin, W.E.K., The Parish Church of the Holy Trinity, St. Andrews, Pre-Reformation (Edinburgh, 1955). Rhodes, E., ‘The Estates of St Andrews Cathedral Priory, 1400-1450’ (University of St Andrews, M.Litt dissertation, 2009). Rhodes, Elizabeth, ‘The Reformation in the Burgh of St Andrews: Property, Piety and Power’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013). Robertson, W.N., ‘Fragments of sculptured stonework from the tomb of Henry Wardlaw bishop of St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 101 (1968-9), 146-9 Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historic Monuments of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan (London, 1933), nos 455 (Cathedral), 460 (Abbey Precinct Wall), 465 (Castle) Sanderson, M. H. B., '"Kin, freindis and servandis" : the men who worked with Archbishop David Beaton', Innes Review, 25 (1974), 31-48. Sanderson, M. H. B., Cardinal of Scotland: David Beaton c.1494-1546 (Edinburgh, 1986) Taylor, S. with G. Markús, The Place-Names of Fife: volume 3 St Andrews and the East Neuk (Stamford, 2009), especially 600-615. Taylor, S., ‘The coming of the Augustinians to St Andrews and version B of the St Andrews foundation legend’, in idem (ed.) Kings, Clerics and Chronicles in Scotland 500-1297, (Dublin, 2000), 115-123. Thurlby, M., ‘St Andrews Cathedral-Priory and the beginnings of Gothic Architecture in Northern Britain’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 47-60 Turpie, T. ‘Scottish saints cults and pilgrimage from the Black Death to the Reformation, c.1349-1560 ‘ (PhD, University of Edinburgh, 2011) Read at: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/1842/5983/2/Turpie2011.pdf Veitch, K., ‘Replanting Paradise: Alexander I and the Reform of the Church in Scotland’, Innes Review 52 (2001), 136-166. Vysny, P., ‘A Hussite in Scotland: The Mission of Pavel Kravař to St Andrews in 1433’, SHR, lxxxii, 1 (Edinburgh, April 2003), pp. 1-19. Watt, D.E.R., ‘The Scottish Church and the Papacy in the Fifteenth Century’, in B. Dobson (ed.), The Church, Politics and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1994). Watt, D.E.R., A Biographical Dictionary of Scottish Graduates to A.D. 1410 (Oxford, 1977). Watt, D.E.R., Medieval Church Councils in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2000). Williamson, E., ‘Scottish Benefices and Clergy during the Pontificate of Sixtus IV (1471-84): the evidence in the Registra Supplicationum’, 2 vols. Wormald, J., Court, Kirk and Community: Scotland, 1470-1625 (Edinburgh, 1981). Worth Frank, R. ‘Shrine Rivalry in the North Sea World’, in Thomas R. Liszka and E. M. Walker (eds), The North Sea World in the Middle Ages (Dublin, 2001), pp. 230-42. Yeoman, P., Pilgrimage in Medieval Scotland (London, 1999).]]> http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/library/specialcollections/collections/archives/]]> http://www.st-andrewslibrarytreasures.com/ This volume presents 50 selected items from across the collections, each accompanied by a short explanatory essay by an expert in the field. It also features an introductory essay outlining the history of St Andrews University Library from its beginnings in a few mediaeval cathedral book presses to the modern hub of learning within an institution of international academic reputation.]]> [Stevenson, Documents Illustrative of the History of Scotland, ii, 280-1]

Boniface … to the dear son William Comyn our chaplain, provost of the church of Saint Mary in the city of St Andrews
Your petition shown to us stated that recently the church of St Andrews being vacant by reason of the death of William bishop of St Andrews and a day being set for the election of the next bishop, you, asserting that it was owed to you by reason of your provostship of the church of Saint Mary to have an interest in this election, sought to be admitted to the performance of this election. And because the chapter of the same church of St Andrews, in contempt of you, proceeding to the same election, elected our dear son master William de Lamberton chancellor of the church of Glasgow to the bishopric, you, appealing because of this to the apostolic see, finally after many disputes here and there at the said see, you, led greatly by our approach, agreed to renounce your appeal freely, so that the said church of St Andrews may not be subjected to misfortune for a long time by reason of its bereavement, saving the right which belongs to you and your successors as provosts of the same church of St Mary’s and to the church of St Mary’s itself, or which may then belong to them in the time of the election of a bishop of St Andrews to be conducted hereafter.
Because, we, to whom the care of all churches belongs in general, must therefore aid the same church of St Andrews, but we do not oppose the church of St Mary’s, even being inclined to your claim we wish and by the tenor of these present letters decree that, by the renunciation of these rights (as above) we do not prejudge them, indeed on the contrary you and your aforesaid successors may freely pursue and possess this right in seeking or in possessing as if the same had not be renounced.
Given at Rome, at Saint Peter’s, 7th May 1298

Letters of Pope Boniface VIII confirming the election of William Lamberton as Bishop of St Andrews (1298)
[Theiner, Veteri Monumenta, 165-6]

Boniface … to the venerable brother William de Lamberton bishop of St Andrews, greetings.
It is lawful that the care of the whole church from what belongs to the pastoral office belongs to our care, about this however, it is understood that we are more strongly concerned and we watch over with so much care those who are directly subjected to the Apostolic See, and bear more strongly the care of them, so that we think of their favourable state. Therefore they who lament the misfortune of bereavement arouse our special care so that suitable pastors of them are put first, so that by their efforts they light up spiritual things and are successful in increasing earthly ones.
For the church of St Andrews in Scotland being deprived of the solace of a pastor by the death of William Fraser of good memory, bishop of the same church, the dear sons of the chapter of the said church calling all who wished, ought and were able legitimately to take part, gathering in one body on the arranged day of election and deliberating concerning this on the way to proceed by the process of compromissus, they proposed unanimously and freely to provide in place of the church of the pastor full power to our dear sons John the Prior, John Mair and William Landon archdeacon, Adam the sub-prior, John Kayrer, Adam of Laurbeden and Thomas of Auchtermuchty, canons of the said church, appointing them to renew and retain their bishop and pastor that person whom they, or the greater part of them, appoint by election.
The same prior, archdeacon, sub-prior and canons, having received these powers, considering that since you, a man of great wisdom and discretion, and with knowledge of letters, being of honest life and commended by sober manners would be able to cause an increase in the honour of the said church, they appointed you, then the chancellor of the church of Glasgow, by their vote: And the said prior from the power resigned to him and the aforesaid archdeacon, sub-prior and canons by the chapter, elected you as bishop and pastor of St Andrews by the consent and commission of the said archdeacon, sub-prior and canons, and this election being solemnly announced by the said prior, the said chapter unanimously approved it.
And you, consenting to the said election in proper time, on account of this came to the Apostolic See, and both you in person and the aforesaid prior and chapter, through their specially appointed procurators and envoys, John called Rufus, Martin de Ketketon and Thomas of Auvhtermuchty, presenting us the election decree, beseeched us humbly that we might confirm this election.
We, therefore, having the proofs of this, had them diligently examined, and because we found the election to have been carried out canonically by suitable persons, by apostolic authority and with the brothers of our council we made this to be confirmed…
Given at Rome at St Peters, 15th Calends of July, the fourth year of our Pontificate (1298)

Extract from the articles propounded against the Bishop of Saint Andrews (August 1306)
Articles propounded against the bishop of St Andrews concerning the counsel, assent and adherence performed by him to Robert Bruce in his rebellion against the king of England.
Then after the bishop of St Andrews who then was had died and the people of the land of Scotland by the council and prompting of the prelates and clergy of the same land made to raise war with William Wallace, then rebel and enemy of our lord king and chieftain and governor of the people of Scotland who then were against our lord the king, their liege lord in whose homage and loyalty they had been bound by their letters and instruments public on these acts: there, where the chapter of St Andrews had elected master William Comyn, who the whole time held to the faith of our lord the king and of his friendship: William Wallace and his adherents and enemies of our lord king, to whom the said master William Lamberton had given his adherence against his oath and his allegiance: by force and constraint made them elect him bishop of St Andrews without licence sought and without the assent of our lord king as was appropriate behaviour from the right and according to the usage of the kingdom in prejudice of him and right of the crown and by such an election he was made bishop, entering and occupying the temporalities of the said bishopric and since then he has held them, from which many evils have happened.
Thus, when our lord king had discomfited his enemies so that all those of the said land of Scotland, who had been raised in war against him as aforesaid, were coming to him as their liege lord and rightful king of Scotland and had placed themselves high and low in his grace for their trespass aforesaid: then the said bishop of St Andrews came to Stirling willingly and of his free will (on) the 4th day of May the year of grace 1304 and of the king’s reign 32nd and asked him for his grace and received it kindly and thus the said bishop did another time swear fealty to the king of England aforesaid as to his liege lord and righful king and lord of all Scotland and the said bishop then swore on the body of Jesus Christ and on the Holy Evangelists and on the Cross Neith and the Black Rood of Scotland loyally to hold and keep his said faith from the hour forwards to our lord king and his heirs king of England as fully contained in letters and in instruments.
The day following this said fealty, when the said bishop of St Andrews was addressed by our lord king of England that he had occupied the said temporalities of his bishopric without licence and assent of him in great prejudice of the right of his crown as aforesaid and took from that time the issues and levies of the said bishopric, because he was not properly consecrated, recognised by mouth and by his writing sealed with his seal the said challenge of our lord the king to be true for which he put himself high and low at the will of our lord the king to answer to him for the said issues and levies and to be ready concerning this at his (the king’s) ordinance at whatever time that he (the king) wished to speak to him as stated by his said letters and public instruments done on this.
After this when the king had established all the lands of Scotland to peace, and had put and assigned certain justiciars and guardians to keep the peace, and had retained the bishop in his council and had made him chief of these guardians ... and Robert de Bruce was raising himself by treason against his sovereign lord the King of England ... and had murdered John Comyn lord of Badenoch ... because John would not assent to the treason which Robert planned against the King of England; to rise up and make himself King of Scotland by his power, and had taken the castle of Dumfries and imprisoned the king's justices and ministers, and from there went to Scone ..., then the said Bishop of St. Andrews knew all the plots of Robert Bruce, even on the day he was with the king's council at Berwick to give advice about the crime done by Robert Bruce, ... and on the king's business in Scotland. He left them at night to go to Scone and honour Robert on the day he was crowned and called King of Scots.
When the Bishop of Saint Andrews was going and holding with the Earl of Carrick, he saw the power which the king assembled in Scotland and, perceiving that the king's enemies would be unable to maintain their foolish and wicked enterprise long, he surrendered to Sir Aymer de Valence, the lieutenant of the king in those parts ... and asked that for certain business touching his church ... he be given leave to go and return after a short time. Sir Aymer, thinking that he would be loyal, suffered him to go, and the bishop, going to his men, men-at-arms as well as footmen, brought them to the Earl of Carrick to help him in battle with Sir Aymer.
And for this Most Holy Father, that the said bishop bears himself wickedly against our lord the king of England in many ways as said above and especially that he was sworn to be of the council of our lord the king and was made chief guardian of his land of Scotland.
Thus Holy Father at the time of the dismissal of the said bishop of St Andrews, master William Comyn brother of the earl of Buchan, who well and loyally holds to the faith of our lord king was elected by the chapter of the said church, and William Wallace who then was chieftain and governor of the people of Scotland who were rebels and enemies of our lord the king by force and against his will made William de Lamberton, then chancellor of Glasgow, to be elected as bishop of the said church … and if he would please you, in place of him, to make the said William Comyn bishop who has well and loyally held to the faith of our lord the king for which it is clear that he will be profitable for the estate of the church and the peace of the land also.

Summary of the Jurisdictions around St Andrews from the Sixteenth Century Black Book
Decision in the dispute between the Culdees and the Bishop concerning the Jurisdiction of land made through Thomas Randulph warden on this side of the Scottish Sea 1309
In the register of the Monastery of St Andrews were clauses concerning conferences held and concluded on a certain matter in dispute in which it was decided concerning the jurisdictions of the regality of the episcopate of St Andrews dated A.D. 1309
And it was found and in due and proper form made public that within the Boar’s Chase (Cursus Apri) there are but three baronies, to wit, the barony of the Lord Bishop of St Andrews, the barony of the Lord Prior of St Andrews, and the barony of the Culdees, which baronies with their inhabitants are held immediately of the Bishop of St Andrews and his Church, and of no other. Whence, by reason of the said holding, the foresaid baronies, as much by law as by established custom, are held bound to give suit and attendance at the Court of the said Lord Bishop and there to be concerned with … as well as the carrying out of other judicial acts concerning condemned persons.
Further it was found that if any judgement within the court of the lord provost of the Culdees or of any barony within the Boar’s Chase is challenged by anyone, the same is to be appealed to the court of the lord bishop, and there judgement is to be determined and declared.
Further it was found that if anyone inhabiting the said baronies has been seized outwith the Boar’s Chase either by bailies of the lord king or by others, he shall be claimed and repledged to the regality of St Andrews only by the justiciar of the Lord Bishop or his servants and not by any bailies of the said baronies.
Moreover it was found and in due and proper form on the said day proclaimed that the Lord Bishop or his justiciar has the power of making investigation in all pleas of the king’s crown and concerning life and limb in the Boar’s Chase and what is more, that out of a plenitude of kingly power the Lord Bishop may, within the Boar’s Chase, give life and limb to the condemned.
[Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 4]

Letters of Visitation by William Bishop of St Andrews (1369)
Letters of visitation by William bishop of St Andrews to the abbot of Scone and to the prior and convent of the same, recording that on occasion of his visitation of their monastery made on the 23rd day of October in the year of our lord 1369 he has ordained as follows, viz:
That divine service should be daily and piously observed at regular and accustomed hours by night as well as well as by day and that the Prior and other monks appointed to discharge duty should be present at morning mass and other hours unless excusably prevented, also that all canons, priests should, as often as they can , perform their masses and if any of them should omit doing so for more than three days, enquiry should immediately be made by the Abbot or Prior as to the cause of their absence from mass so long.
Also that due silence in fitting times and places and other regular lawful and usual observances should be maintained.
Also that the Abbot should give up a Statement and Account within the next six weeks of his office of Treasurer from the time when he intromitted (entered office) and that within the same time all other monastic officials should render accounts of their offices as is the custom elsewhere.
Also that the Abbot should commit the office of Treasurer to any Canon who seems competent to discharge that office, but that he may nevertheless appoint as his assistant any canon, instructing and informing him as to the things pertaining to that office, so that the Abbot himself may to that extent be relieved of that burden, and have leisure to attend to the government of his monastery.
Also that a plurality of offices should not be conferred on any one person when one person is scarcely able to rightly fill one office, and especially that the office of victualler should be deputed to one who is able to give daily attention to it.
Also that order be taken regarding the fabric and repair of the church and buildings and that necessary artificers and workmen be employed for this purpose.
And finally in order to avoid scandal, that women stay not continuously within the walls of the monastery, and especially that they be removed and kept at a distance from the sick ward and surgical chamber so that the sick may be able to have their bed chamber, their usual recreations and their proper and accustomed comforts without suspicion of evil.
The forgoing ordinance for the improvement of divine worship and the amelioration of their own condition and that of the monastery he enjoins to be in all points implemented and firmly observed by the Abbot, the Prior and the Convent under canonical penalties, and that these letters should be presented to him at his next visitation.
Given under seal at the place and date foresaid.

[National Archives of Scotland, RH6/150]

Confirmation of a charter of Bishop Wardlaw to his constable
The king (James II) confirmed the charter of Henry Bishop of St Andrews which, with the consent of his chapter, granted to John Wemyss of Kilmany for his loyal council and help to the said bishop and performed and to be performed to the church of St Andrews by him and his successors in posterity, and to Janet Wardlaw his wife; the office of constable of the castle and city of St Andrews with the land of Muirton and Achokyre in the regality of St Andrews. Being held by the said John and Janet and the longer living of them and their legitimate heirs procreated between them, failing which the male heirs of the said John whoever, from the the said bishop and his successors. Making and upholding to the said bishop and his successors all the labours which are known to pertain to the said office, for all other services etc.
Witnessing the which (the bishop’s charter): Malcolm Fleming lord of Cumbernauld, Master John Scheves doctor of decreets and official general of the diocese of St Andrews, John Lumsden sheriff of Fife, John Carmichael nephew of the said bishop, Dominus William Wishart his chamberlain, Dominus William Cairns his chaplain and vicar of Glamis; with the seal of the bishop and with the seal of the said chapter.
[The king’s charter dated 10th August 1440]
Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, ii, no. 244

Charter confirming the ‘Golden Charter’ to the Bishops of St Andrews
The king (James III) confirmed the charter of King James II which with the consent of the three estates of his kingdom and on account of the deserving loyalty of James Kennedy bishop of St Andrews his cousin performed on many occasions, confirmed all earlier gifts made by his predecessors to the church of St Andrews and the bishop of the same church in perpetuity and gave the lands underwritten and others from his predecessors in free and special regality; viz – the lands of St Nicholas of Kinkell, Kingask, Byrehill, Fauside, Kilmonane, Kenlochquhy, Putky, Bonyngtoune, Balcaythly, Dunenoch, Stravethy, Balaly, Petarthy, Kynalldy-suthir, Kynaldy-northir, Gilmourtoune, Balrymont-Estyr, Carngoure, Lambeislethin, Priourislethin, Newgrange, Langraw, Balrymont-Westyr, Kylrynny, Invergelly, Invary, Kynlonchare, Balbuthy, Petcorthy, Murecambosse, Athirny, Lathame, Balgormo, Baldastard, Balmane, Scuny, Balbethe, Monfloure, Levynnis-brig, Methkyll, le Hache, Torre, Crannoch, Cavill, Bynnis, Urwell, Lathokir, Muretoune, Lathone, Raderny, Camerone, Fedynche, Keyrnis, Ballochin, Strakynnes, Wilkynston, Greigstone, Drumcarach, Lawdeddy, Kynninmonde, Baldunny, Arnydy, Claremounthe, Malgask-uvir, Malgask-nethir, Clattow, Balgrife, Stratirne, Kyncapill, Neutoune, Nydy-estyr, Nydy-westir, Kynnarde, Kenbak, Blabo, Myretoune, Deresy, Crag-fudy, Mydil-fudy, Westyr-fudy, Fengask, Burchle, Newmyll, Ballase, Kylmany, Freretoune, Kirkland of Luchris, Forgund, Priouris Kynmuck, Monymeyll, Lathane, Cunyochy, Muretoune-in-Luchris, Culluthy, Owthirmunsy, Berelais, Carny, Outhirrudirstudyr, Cragroyhill, Tarvat, Nethir-Tarvat, Gledny, Kyrkforthir, Balmalkyn, Balmungy and Machrise: furthermore it is granted to the said bishop and his heirs as he had, held and possessed his lands written here in special regality, viz the lands called Byschapis-schire, Muckart-schire, Scottis-crag and le Fery, Petcunty, Murefeld and the lands of the priory of Petynweme, viz Petynweme, Litill-Anstrudir, Fauside, Lyngow, Pettotyr, Crangbregis, Gradn-mure (sheriffdom of Fife) and the lands of Estir-Rynde and Westir-Rynde (sheriffdom of Perth); the which lands are incorporated into the regality of St Andrews. Being held in one special regality or regalia, called the regality of St Andrews in perpetuity with the four points and pleas of the crown; and furthermore the king willed that the tenants or renters of the said bishop and their goods dwelling between the waters of Forth and Tay should only be arrested in the ayres of justiciar and chamberlain in the courts of the bishop and in no way should they be brought together to pay royal taxation or tallage and he willed that the present donations should not be revoked by the king or his successors but they should defend the said powers and nothing else. (Owing) nothing except the saying of devotions and prayers for the king, his predecessors and successors
[King James II’s charter granted at Edinburgh, 14th June 1452]
Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, ii, no. 1444

Extracts from the Rental of the Archbishop of St Andrews (1543-1545)
Account of Master Bernard Bailie rector of Lamington and Chamberlain, rendered at St Andrews, Wednesday 13th May 1545; involving arrears of Master Alexander Kinninmonth’s account (6th March 1543) and his own receipts and expenses (1543-4)

Discharge
Cutting and winning hay of Radernie, £4; of Monimail, 20s; fermes of the ward of Inchmurdoch in the Cardinal’s hands, 13s 4d; repair of dykes thereof, 5s; …
Fee of the gardener of Monimail, 20s; also of the gardener of St Andrews Castle, 40s; of Ambrose Skyrling, janitor of the outer gate of the castle, 40s; of the watchman, 20s; of the sergeants or officers of Monimail, Scotscraig and Byrehills (40s each); also Byschopshire and Mukartschire (26s 8d each), Angus (£3 6s 8d), Keig and Monymusk (£3), Dairsie (50s), Stow (£3), Kyrkliston (53s 4d) – £17 3s 4d

(Fee) of the laird of Lochleven bailie of Byschopshire and Mukartschire, £10; of Alexander Jardine, head cook, £6 13s 4d; … Sir Henry Balfour, to pay a Frenchman for 73 beche schulis and 6 stones 13 pounds of towys (cordarum) for work at the castle (as per the precept, St Andrews, July 23 1544) £5 1d; Alexander Myllar, fishermen in Pittenweem, for freight thence to St Andrews of 20 chalders of lime for the castle (as per the quittance of Sir Henry Balfour, one of the masters of work, St Andrews, June 19, 1544), £6
Sir Henry Balfour, iron and other materials (£5 8s 9d) to Master Wolf, gunner, to make a moyane culverini, fee of Robert Smyth and two servitors (£3 6s) working for 3 weeks, and a payment to Balfour himself (44s), in the castle garden … £10 18s 9d
To Sir James Bickerton, master of work for the castle … £159 3s 6d …
To Sir Michael Hog, almoner, for the poor from 19 Dec 1543 to 19 Aug 1544 inclusive … £33 4s
To Archibald Campbell burgess of Dundee to buy certain puncheons of wine for the Cardinal’s use in St Andrews Castle … £110
Wages of household servitors of the Cardinal with their horses remaining outside the household from 9 Feb to end of that month 1543, from 10 March to 2 April 1544 and on to 8 … £336 18s
To Alan Couttis for the expenses of the Cardinal and household from 10 March 1543 to 19 July 1544 … £583 14s 3d
Fee of William Murray the household cook … 33s 4d
Fee of Robert Hall, cook serving in the Cardinal’s kitchen, 28s
To Alexander Gibsoun, cook and keeper of the capons and poultry, £3 6s 8d; Fee of Walter Hervey, keeper of the hall pewter, 20s; Of Rutlege and Troilles, kitchen boys, 30s
Alexander Naper, saddler in St Andrews by mandate of Robert Lindsay, master of the stable to purchase necessaries for the horses and stable … £32
Master Andrew Oliphant … purchase of 132 chalders of lime in June and July 1544 for the castle (bought in Wemyss, Crail and St Andrews) … £98 11s 10d
To Robert Hall in Kinghorn, 14 chalders of coal for the use of the Cardinal in the castle … £25 4s
To John Beton of Balfour, captain of the castle, for the fabric thereof … £325 15s
Andrew Moncrieff, the Cardinal’s servitor, sent from St Andrews to Stirling and Hamilton by mandate … 22s
Master John Meffen to wash the ornaments of the altar of the chapel of St Andrews, also for bread and wax candles … 24s
Robert Boswell for hire of horses to conduct Andrew Leslie son of the earl of Rothes from Edinburgh to St Andrews … 22s
Drinksilver to a servant of the provost of St Andrews presenting a horse to the Cardinal 22s
Robert Boswell for hire of a horse from Stirling to Castle Campbell and for expenses of conducting an Italian auditor to Lindores 44s
An indweller in Muckhart to lead the way to Kincardine with the Cardinal 10s
Two servants sent from Kincardine to Doune Castle to bring back two silver flasks of the Cardinal, 22s
Robert Boswell to hire horses to bring the coffers of the Cardinal from Kincardine to St Andrews, 12s
Freight of materials for Master Wolf engineer from Limekilns to St Andrews to make guns, 44s
For the gardener of St Andrews monastery (14 Aug 1544) presenting artichokes to the Cardinal, 22s
A man bringing iron bullets from Dunbar Castle to St Andrews Castle, 44s; culveriners who came to be hired by the cardinal, 22s; 21 barrels of ale received from John Dikesone for the Cardinal and household in Edinburgh, £28; John Pardovane, George Hepburn and Thomas Davidson servitors remaining in St Andrews Castle, 34s; David Smyth watchman of the castle (Martinmas 1543 – Whitsun 1544), £6 13s 4d
Master John Arnott for gunpowder bought by him for John Beaton of Balfour captain of the castle … £28 6s 8d
Metals and other necessaries for Master Wolf, engineer, to make a culverayne moyane £134 11s 7d
Petty expenses of of Sir Andrew Myll, by boat from Edinburgh to St Andrews with the Cardinal’s great tapestries, £4 11s 8d; Expenses of James Symsoun sent from St Andrews to Leith to receive the Cardinal’s wine

Account of Master Robert Auchmouty, granitarius, rendered at St Andrews Castle, Wednesday 16th Sept 1545 …
210 chalders of coal put in the castle for the Cardinal, the captain and their households, from May 1543 to August 1545 … £404 15s 1d; For carters of St Andrews taking the coals from the harbour to the castle … £21 11s 6d; Servitors carrying them into the coal-house … £7 6d
Part of the expenses of the Earl of Arran’s eldest son, John Beaton of Balfour the captain, servitors, household and guards in the Cardinal’s absence, paid by the accountant to William Patterson, provisor at the castle (April 1544-August 1545), £351 7d
To Sir James Bickerton, master of works at the castle, for the fabric at various times … £153 11s 8d
Clothes for the pages Claude and Guthrie, another little page named Prophet, and the servant of the Lord of Tullibardine detained captive in the castle for two years from 1 Nov 1543 … £35 5s 8d
26½ ells of white woollen cloth, coarse and broad, for 6 pairs of double blankets, and 52 ells of coarse linen for 6 pairs of sheets for the beds of the guards (castellanorum), delivered to John Beaton of Balfour … £7 7s 3d; 3 pairs of fine linen sheets delivered at Little Monimail when the Earl of Huntly was entertained there (which were not restored after his departure), 50s
Part payment to Robert Smyth in Argyle, working with Master Wolf the engineer, at the making of a gun in the castle … £3 6s

Rentale Sancti Andree 1538-1546, Scottish History Society (1913), 175-200
]]> Translated by Professor Dauvit Broun

Andrew, which according to Hebrew etymology is translated ‘beautiful’ or ‘responding’, is nonetheless translated ‘manly’, from ‘man’ in the Greek language. Brother of the blessed apostle Peter as far as the flesh is concerned, but his co-heir in grace; the first apostle chosen by Our Lord Jesus Christ according to John the Evangelist, but second according to Matthew and Mark; he received by lot as his mission the northern nations, that is the Scythians and Picts, finally the Achaians and the city called Patras where, furthermore, he was crucified on November 30th; and he was interred there. And there his bones were kept for a period of about 273 years until the time of Constantine the Great son of Helen and his sons, that is Constantius and Constantine with Constans. In their reign they were taken up and translated out of there in a marvellous and famous procession by the citizens of Constantinople, and re-interred there at Constantinople with great glory and the greatest honour; and they remained there throughout until the time of the Christian emperor Theodosiusthat is to say, for a period of 110 years. At that timenot by chance but by divine instigationa king of the Picts called Ungus son of Urguist, rising up with a great army, killing with the cruellest devastation the British nations living in the south part of this island, finally reached the plain of Mercia and wintered there. Then all the peoples of nearly the whole island, coming with a united force, surrounded him, intending to destroy him and his army completely. Next day, the aforementioned king went out for a walk with his seven most intimate companions, and a divine light shone around them, and they fell forward onto their faces, unable to bear it (the light). And lo, a voice was heard from heaven: ‘Ungus, Ungus, hear me, an apostle of Christ, Andrew by name, who am sent to defend and protect you. Get up, behold the image of the cross of Christ which stands in the sky and will go before you against your enemies: nevertheless, offer a tenth part of your inheritance in alms to God Almighty and in honour of St Andrew His apostle. Now on the third day, advised by the divine voice, he (Ungus) divided his army into thirteen troops, and the image of the cross went in front of each division, and a divine light shone from the top of each and every image. Thereupon they became victors. They gave thanks to God Almighty and St Andrew the apostle; and, arriving home unharmed, they willingly gave a tenth part of Ungus’ inheritance to God and to the venerable apostle St Andrew, fulfilling what is written: ‘give alms and, behold, all things are clean for you’. They were uncertain, however, in which place they might specially assign God’s tribute and the chief city of the apostle St Andrew. When they (the Picts) had taken counsel, fasted for periods of two, three and four days, and beseeched the mercy of Almighty God, one of the guardians of the body of St Andrew the apostle at Constantinople was admonished and instructed by a divine vision, saying: ‘go from your land and from your family and the house of your father, and make your way to the land I will have revealed to you’. Thereupon he came with an angel attending and guarding his way, [and] he arrived successfully at the top of the king’s hill, that is Rígmonaid. The same hour in which he had encamped there, tired, with his seven companions, a divine light shone around the king of the Picts who was coming with his army to a special place which is called Cartenan. And they fell on their faces, unable to bear the brightness. And the lame and blind were healed to the number of seven. And one of the blind, blind from birth, was able to see; and then he saw a place filled with a visitation of angels, and at once called out in a loud voice, saying: ‘behold, I see a place filled with a visitation of angels!’ Finally, according to God’s design, the king came with his army to the place which the Lord showed the blind man to whom He had given sight. Regulus, a monk from the city of Constantinople, indeed, met the king at the gate called Matha (that is Mordorus) with the relics of St Andrew the apostle which he had brought with him from there (i.e. Constantinople) to here. And citizens and foreigners exchanged greetings, and put up their tents there, where the king’s hall now is. King Ungus, indeed, gave this place and this city to Almighty God and to St Andrew the apostle in freedom for ever, that it might be the head and mother of all churches which are in the kingdom of the Scots. For pilgrims come together to this city, palmers from JerusalemRomans, Greeks, Armenians, Teutons, Germans, Saxons, Danes, Galicians, Gauls, English, Britons; men and women; rich and poor; the healthy and the sick; the lame and the blind; and the weak, brought here by horse and vehicle: and they are cured for all to see through the mercy of God, to the honour and glory of His own chief saint, Andrew the apostle. Through His own saint, Andrew the apostle, the Lord has performed, performs, and will for ever perform here miracles and signs and innumerable marvels which cannot be recorded here now. The monk Regulus, indeed, became abbot [and] lived the monastic life in this place, serving God by day and by night in holiness and justice all the days of his life with his own dear companions, whose bodies found rest here. They planted vegetable gardens where there is now the house of Master Samuel and his ancestors and successors. Moreover, working with their own hands they made a mill; and they built everything which belongs honourably and honestly to the monks. But Britain, the whole island, had been taught in Christianity before the Picts and Scots had entered it. But the greatest enlargement of faith was made for all faithful Christians of that island because the Lord deigned to send so distinguished and great a pastor to them, a preacher after the pattern of Andrew the apostle, first disciple of Our Lord Jesus Christ. And so the archepiscopacy of all Scotia ought to be [exercised] from this city, where the apostolic seat is. No bishop ought to be ordained in Scotia without the approval of the elders of this place. Indeed, in relation to the first Rome this is the second; this is a pre-eminent city of refuge; this is the city of cities of Scotia, to which Our Lord gave these columns as a support: that is, Archbishop Giric, Mac Bethad, and Gregoir, with other brothers of theirs. I beseech the Lord that I may always partake with them of the kingdom of heaven. Amen.

The St Andrews Foundation Legend B
Translated by Dr Simon Taylor
In the year of the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ 345 Constantius grandson of Constantine son of Helena gathered a great army to plunder the city of Patras in order to avenge the execution of the blessed Andrew the Apostle of Christ, and to remove from there his remains. But on the third night, before the emperor entered the city with his army, an angel of God descending from Heaven appeared to the holy men who were guarding the remains of St Andrew the Apostle, and ordered the holy bishop Regulus to go with his clerics to the sarcophagus, in which were deposited the bones of the blessed Andrew, and to take from there three fingers of his right hand, and the arm between the elbow and the shoulder, and the knee-cap from his knee, and one of his teeth. They took these parts of his remains, just as the angel had commanded them, and put them in a very secret place. The following day after these relics had been put away, Emperor Constantius came at dawn with his army and plundered both the city and the province; and took with him to Rome the casket in which he found the rest of the bones of the holy apostle had been placed. On his arrival there he ravaged the island of the Tiber, and the Colosseum, and took with him from there to Constantinople the bones of St Luke the Evangelist, and of Timothy the disciple of the blessed Paul the apostle, along with the remains of the blessed Andrew.
At that time Hungus son of Forso, the great king of the Picts, gathered his army against Athelstan the king of the Saxons, and pitched camp at the mouth of the river Tyne. That very night, before the two armies met, the blessed Andrew appeared to Hungus king of the Picts in his sleep, saying to him that the apostle himself would on the following day overcome the enemy army in such a way that Hungus would triumph fully over his enemies. To whom the king said; ‘Who are you? And where do you come from?’ The blessed Andrew replied saying, ‘I am Andrew, apostle of Christ, and now I have come from Heaven, sent by God, to reveal to you that tomorrow I will overcome your enemies, and subjugate them to you, and having obtained a happy victory you will return home unharmed with your army, and my remains will be brought into your kingdom, and the place to which they will be brought with all honour and veneration will be famous until the last day of time.’ With these words he vanished. So the king, on waking from his dream, told his men what the blessed Andrew had revealed to him while he slept. When they heard these things, the people of the Picts rejoiced and swore that they would with all diligence and for all time show veneration to the blessed Andrew, if those things which he had shown to their king were brought about. On the following day the Picts, made joyful by the Apostle's promise, prepared for battle; and having divided up the army they set seven ranks around their king. The Saxons divided up their army and took up a close formation around their king Athelstan in fourteen ranks. When battle was joined the Saxons, immediately deprived of all courage, by God’s will, and with the holy apostle Andrew intervening on the side of the Picts, turned in flight. The head of Athelstan, king of the Saxons, was cut off, and countless Saxons were slaughtered. And King Hungus, possessed of victory, returning with no small army to his own land, ordered Athelstan's head to be brought with him and he had it fixed on a wooden stake in the place which is called Ardchinnechena within the harbour now called Queen’s Ferry. After this victory obtained by heavenly means the Saxons never dared attack the Picts.
After a few days had passed after the happy victory of this war, the angel of God again came from Heaven to the blessed bishop Regulus, whom he addressed thus: ‘By command of God on high do not delay to go to northern parts, towards the rising sun, with the remains of Andrew the disciple of Christ which at our warning you recently kept back; and in whatever place the ship which will carry you and your company across the sea is wrecked, with no danger to you or your companions, there you will lay the foundations of a church in the name of the Lord and of his Apostle Andrew. For that place will be for you and your companions your resting place forever, and there will be your resurrection on the day of the last judgment.’ And Bishop Regulus, according to the precept of the angel, accompanied by holy men, with the remains of the holy apostle, sailed towards the north, and for the space of one and a half years, driven by many violent storm winds, founded an oratory in honour of St Andrew wherever throughout the islands of the sea of Greece he was brought to land. And so the holy men, having suffered innumerable toils along the sea coasts, with God as their guide, directed their sail towards the north, and landed on the night of St Michael in the land of the Picts, at a place which had been called Muckros, but is now called Kilrymonth. Muckros means ‘wood of pigs’. After the ship in which they were sailing had been wrecked on the rocks, they pitched tents for themselves there and fixed in the ground a cross which they had brought with them from Patras as a sign of the sacred things which they had brought, and as a protection against the snares of demons. And there they remained for 7 days and as many nights. And leaving the older men there, St. Damian and his brother Merinach, to guard the place, Regulus and the other men went to Forteviot with the relics of the most holy apostle Andrew, and there they found the three sons of King Hungus, Eoganán and Nechtan and Finguine Garb, and because their father was at that time on an expedition in Argyll, for whose life the sons were much concerned, they gave a tenth part of the city of Forteviot to God and St Andrew. Having erected a cross there the holy men blessed the place and those who dwelt there, the sons of the king.
Then they went to Monethatha, which is now called Mondynes, and there the queen Finchem gave birth to a daughter to King Hungus, who was called Mouren. The body of the virgin Mouren is buried at Kilrymonth, and no-one was buried there before her. Queen Finchem gave the house in which she had given birth to her daughter Mouren to God and St Andrew, and all the royal enclosure for ever. And having erected a cross there, they blessed the queen and that place. Then they crossed the mountains, i.e. the Mounth, and came to a place which was called Doldauha but now called Kindrochit-Alian. There the great king Hungus, on his way back from his expedition, met the holy men, and prostrated himself with all humility and reverence in front of the relics of St Andrew the Apostle when they were shown to him; and all the noble Picts who were with him prostrated themselves in front of the relics like their humble king. And the king gave to God and the holy apostle Andrew that place i.e. Doldauha, and built a church on the spot where the bare relics had been shown him. Then the king with the holy men crossed the mountains i.e. the Mounth and came to Mondynes. And there he built a church in honour of God and the blessed Apostle. And so the king with his holy men came to Forteviot, and there he built a basilica to God and the Apostle. Afterwards King Hungus, with the holy men, came to Kilrymonth, and, going round the big site of the place, offered it to God and to Saint Andrew the Apostle to build there basilicas and oratories.
Out of great devotion King Hungus and Bishop Regulus himself, and the other men went seven times round that very place, marked out by a clear sign. Having thus carried out the seven-fold circuit and perambulation, Bishop Regulus processed carrying above his head the relics of the holy apostle with all veneration, with his holy company following the bishop with songs and hymns. And the devout King Hungus followed them on foot, very devoutly pouring out profound prayers and thanks to God. And the most noble aristocrats of all the realm followed the king. Thus they commended that place to God, and fortified it with royal permission <on the 6 February>. As a sign of royal favour, the holy men erected 12 stone crosses at intervals around the circumference of the place; and they humbly begged God of heaven, that all who pray in that place with a devout mind and pure intention may obtain the fulfilment of their petition.
Afterwards King Hungus gave to the church of the holy apostle as a parochia whatever land is between the sea which is called the Firth of Forth, as far as the sea which is called Firth of Tay; and in the adjacent province along its bounds from Largo, as far as Ceres <of the Dogs or of the Cains?>; and from Ceres as far as Naughton MacIrb (Hyhatnachten Machehirb), which land is now called Naughton. And the king gave this place, that is Kilrymont, to God and St Andrew his apostle, with waters, with fields, with meadows, with pastures, with muirs, with woods in alms for ever; and he endowed that place with such liberty that its inhabitants will always be free and quit of hosting, and of castle- and bridge-work, and of the trouble of all secular exactions.
Bishop Regulus sang the prayer Alleluia so that God might forever protect that place given in alms, and guard it in honour of the apostle. As a reminder of the liberty granted King Hungus seized a divot and in front of his Pictish nobles bore it as far as the altar of St Andrew, and on it he placed that same divot as an offering. This was done in the presence of these witnesses: Talorc son of Iarnbodb, Nechtan son of Chelturan, Gartnait son of Dubnach, Drust son of Wythrossi, Nacthaleth son of Gigherti, Shinach son of Litheren, Oengus son of Foichele, Feradach son of Finlaech Phihacnanfin son of Bolg, Gilunineruh son of Taran, Demene son of Chinganena, Duptalarch son of Bargoit. Those witnesses are born of royal stock.
Afterwards in Kilrymont the holy men built seven churches. One in honour of St Regulus; the second in honour of St Aneglas {the deacon}; the third in honour of St Michael the Archangel; the fourth in honour of St Mary virgin; the fifth in honour of the honourable St Damian the elder; the sixth in honour of St Brigid virgin; the seventh in honour of a certain Mouren virgin, and in that church were 50 virgins born of royal stock, all dedicated to God, having taken the veil at eleven years of age, and all buried in the eastern part of that church.
These are the names of those men who brought the holy relics of St Andrew the apostle to Scotland: Bishop Regulus, Gelasius the deacon, Matheus the hermit, St Damian the priest and Merinachus his brother, Nermus and Chusemus from the island of Crete. Mirenus and Chubaculus the deacon, Natchabeus and Silicius his brother, seven hermits from the island of Tiber(is), Felix, Saranus, Mauritius, Madianus, Philipphus, Eugenius, Lucius; and three virgins from Collossia, viz Triduana, Potentia, Omeria. These virgins are buried in the church of St Anaglas.
Cano son of Dubabrach wrote this record for King Uurad son of Bargoit in the estate of Meigle.

The Augustinian’s Account
Translated by Dr Simon Taylor
These things, as we have said before, we have transcribed just as we found written in old books of the Picts. Most Scots affirm that the blessed Apostle Andrew was here alive in the flesh; taking as proof of their assertion the fact that he got as his lot the land of the Picts, that is Scythia, to preach in; and for this reason he held this place dear above all places; and what he did not fulfil while alive, he might fulfil after he had been released from the flesh. Because we have not found this written down, we are strongly inclined neither to deny or to affirm it. But since mention has been made of the miracles and wonders which God through His holy apostle has done and is doing, and since an occasion has offered itself to write some of these things, we have determined to write, by God's gift, the things that we have either found written down or have heard from trustworthy informers or have even observed for ourselves; and this the brothers have asked us to do. In the meantime, however, we have put this off until we may finish what has been begun.
So when the kingdom of the Picts had been completely destroyed, and had been seized by the Scots, the property and estates of the church [at St Andrews] waxed or waned in turn in proportion to the devotion kings and princes had for the holy apostle. About which things it must not be told individually, but only those things which relate to us are to be dealt with in abridged form. There was a royal city called Rymont, royal hill, which the above-mentioned King Hungus gave to God and the holy apostle. And when the saints whom we have mentioned above, who had arrived with the relics of the blessed apostle, had been removed from their present life, along with their disciples and imitators, religious worship died out there as it was a barbarous and uncouth people. But there continued in the church of St Andrew, such as it was then, by carnal succession thirteen whom they call Culdees, who were living more according to their own estimation and human tradition, than according to the statutes of the holy fathers. Indeed they still live like this; and they have certain things in common which are less in amount and value, while they have as their own the things which are greater in amount and value, as each of them is able to acquire gifts, either from friends who are united to them by some personal tie, such as kindred or connection, or from those whose anmcharait, that is soul-friends, they [the Culdees] are, or in whatever other ways. After they are made Culdees, they are not allowed to keep their wives in their houses, nor any other women from whom evil suspicion may arise.
Moreover, there were seven persons, who divided among themselves the offerings of the altar; of which seven portions the bishop used to enjoy only one, and the hospital another; the remaining five were apportioned to the other five, who performed no duty whatsoever to the altar or the church, except that they provided, according to their custom, hospitality for pilgrims and strangers, when more than six arrived, determining by lot whom or how many each of them was to receive. Indeed the hospital had continual accommodation for a number not exceeding six; but from the time that, by God's gift, it came into the possession of the canons, till the present it has received all who come to it. The canons have also determined that if anyone should arrive who is sick, or who falls ill there, his care is to be undertaken in all necessities according to the resources of the house, until he recovers his health or dies. But if he has any property, let him do what he wants with it and let him dispose of it as he will since in that house nothing will be demanded of him. Also a chaplain has been appointed by the canons to look after both the sick and the dying, and two brothers, who look after the house, receive strangers, and minister to the sick; but who do not eat or drink there, nor do they receive their clothing there. Moreover the canons have granted for this purpose the tenths of their own labours, and the remains of their food. If there is anything necessary in their cellar for either the healthy or the sick which cannot be had from the hospital, let it be given without objection. The above-mentioned persons also had their own revenues and possessions; which, when they died, their wives, whom they openly kept, and their sons and daughters, their relatives or their sons-in-law, divided amongst themselves, even the very offerings of the altar at which they did not serve; it would be shameful to speak of this were it not for the fact that they had been allowed to do it. Nor could so great an evil be removed until the time of King Alexander of happy memory, a special friend of the holy church of God; who magnified the church of the blessed apostle Andrew with estates and revenues, loaded it with many and valuable gifts, and endowed it with liberties and customs which were of his royal gift, to be held as royal possessions. Also the land which is called The Boar's Raik, which King Hungus, whom we mentioned above, had given to God and the holy apostle Andrew when the relics of the blessed apostle Andrew had been brought, and which had afterwards been taken away, he also established to its pristine condition [ or ‘anew’]; with the specific purpose and on condition that the religious life should be established in that church for the maintenance of divine worship. For there was no-one who served the altar of the blessed apostle, nor was mass celebrated there, except when the king or the bishop came there, which happened rarely. For the Culdees celebrated their office after their own fashion in a corner of the church, which [church] was very small. Of which royal donation there are many witnesses still living, and this donation his brother Earl David also confirmed, whom the king had constituted his heir and successor in the kingdom, as he is today. As a royal record of his gift the king ordered to be led to the altar an Arab steed, with its own bridle, saddle, shield and silver lance, and covered with a large, precious cloth; and he ordered the church to be invested with all the aforementioned royal gifts, liberties and customs; he also gave Turkish arms of a different kind, which are still kept in the church of St Andrew, along with its [the steed’s] shield and saddle as a memorial of royal munificence. They are shown to people coming from all the airts, so that what is so frequently brought to mind will not be forgotten in any way. It was of course in the days of this king Alexander, near the end of his earthly life, that sir Robert the first prior of the church of Scone, which the same king had also given to the canons and had enriched with many gifts and estates, was elected bishop of the Scots. Indeed from ancient times they have been called the bishops of St Andrew, and in both ancient and modern writings they are found called ‘High Archbishops’ or ‘High Bishops of the Scots’. Which is why Bishop Fothad, a man of the greatest authority, caused to be written on the cover of a gospel-book these lines:
Fothad, who is the High Bishop to the Scots,
made this cover for an ancestral gospel-book.

So now in ordinary and common speech they are called Escop Alban, that is ‘Bishops of Albany’. And they have been called, and are (still) called this on account of their pre-eminence by all the bishops of the Scots, who are called after the places over which they preside.
But before the consecration of that (bishop-)elect the said King Alexander, having died, left his brother King David, who was the only one of the brothers still alive, and who is still alive, heir not so much to the kingdom as to his devotion towards the church of God and towards the protection of the poor. For he is, and will remain, fully occupied in bringing to a conclusion with God's help what his brother the often mentioned king had begun. He founded very many churches and monasteries of both monks and canons as well as of nuns; and conferred upon them many benefices. Moreover he has done many works of mercy towards the servants and hand-maidens of Christ, which it is not within our ability to narrate. He brought it about that the head of the church of St Andrew the aforementioned sir Robert be consecrated by Thurstan archbishop of York of blessed memory, without profession, or any exaction whatsoever, saving only the dignity of both churches, and the authority of the holy and apostolic see. Therefore, once the bishop had been ordained and had returned to his own see, he applied himself zealously to accomplish what he cherished in his heart, namely the work of enlarging the church and dedicating it to divine worship. But both before and after his ordination Satan opposed him in many things; he sustained many injuries and insults, according to what the apostle said: ‘all who want to live piously in Christ suffer persecution’. He spent the seventh small portion of the altar, which was due to him, and which he took away from his own uses, on work on the church. But since the outlay was small, the building was also being constructed in a small way, until, with God's help and next after God with King David’s assent, offerings were recovered for the uses of the church, extracted from the hands of lay people, both men and women. Thereafter the more that he might have to hand to give, the faster the work went.
Therefore, having begun the foundations of the church, and now having completed the greater part, and having started some houses, and having finished some with a cloister so that now inhabitants might be able to be introduced who might not ask for too much, and who in the meantime might wait with patience, he [Bishop Robert] asked sir Athelwold bishop of Carlisle by letters and by messengers, as well as by the personal intervention of King David, to grant him from the church of St Oswald, of which the bishop himself was head by right of prior, a person with whom he might share his work, and whom he might set up as prior for the canons whom he was arranging to establish in the church of St Andrew. Since it seemed to him more intimate and sweeter to receive a person from that church where he had devoted himself to God and had taken the habit of the religion life, also whence as the first prior he had been sent to the church of Scone; from which, as we have said above, he had been elected and taken as bishop, than to receive a person from elsewhere. But he did not ask for just any person, but for brother Robert, not indeed well known by renown or way of life but only by name, whom those who knew him considered suitable for this work according to what [the Bishop had heard] from his friends and members of his household. Therefore he asked for him and he received him, nor from that church could anything be denied him or should be denied him that he might reasonably request.
The above-mentioned brother Robert by order of the lord bishop dwelt at St Andrew’s for some considerable time, and without any canons, but not without clerks, with the lord bishop providing the necessaries for him and his men. He had no power over the church, nor did he want any, until the Lord would give him what he desired, a community for the service of God. But he did not trust in himself in any way, but putting himself entirely into the hands of God, and submitting himself to His ordinance, he assiduously beseeched God that He would deign to visit and console him, and to grant him to lay a foundation for the religious life such that the building built upon it should be strong and abiding, just as he had decreed in his heart. He did not want in any way to enter into the work of outsiders (which might perhaps have been easy for him), to gather to himself brothers from other and diverse churches, lest different brothers, taking different views, wishing to appear to be a somebody, should not coalesce into unity and thus the fabric of the building should suffer harm before the foundation was laid. If, however, God should send him any persons who were prepared to live in the way in which he himself was minded to live, he would receive them warmly.
Meanwhile with Brother Robert staying there by order of the bishop, as has been said, but with the lord bishop carrying out somewhat sluggishly the business which he had begun, the king came to St Andrew’s, along with his son Earl Henry the king designate to pray, and with them many of the earls and potentates of the land. The next day, having heard mass and having observed the customary hours and made the customary offering, the king coming into the cloister, such as it was then, along with those who had come with him, and once everyone had settled down, he explained to them firstly many things of little importance, then finally the main reason why he had come. He therefore arraigned the bishop since he had not hastened on the work and service of God in establishing the religious life in the church of the blessed Andrew, even though the bishop had declared himself minded to do so, and as King Alexander had decreed. And when after many disputes the lord bishop argued that he was not permitted either to diminish or disperse the property of the bishop, lest perchance what had been conferred on the servants of God by him should be taken away from them by his successor, the king replies saying that from the land called the Boar’s Raik, which was not the bishopric’s, which King Alexander his brother had dedicated to God and to St Andrew for that very purpose, namely that in his (St Andrew’s) church the religious life might be established, he (the bishop) should endow them sufficiently, and both he and his son would confirm [it] and would help towards stocking the land; which they in fact did, and compelled certain others by oath to help. Then the lord bishop, as if of his own free will but in fact under constraint, by the advice and consent of the king and his son and of the other barons who were present, transferred into the hands of brother Robert some portion [or ‘a portion at his (the bishop’s) choice’ AAMD] of the lands of the personae which had come into his (the bishop’s) hands on their deaths, from which the brothers who came there to serve God ought to have been maintained in the meantime. Nor however did he act more sluggishly regarding the work on the church, but he busied himself in every way so that he might complete the work more swiftly. On that day Robert the priest, of pious memory, the uterine brother of the lord Bishop, renouncing the world with heart, voice and deed in order to serve God in the church of the blessed Andrew following the canonical rule of our holy father Augustine, gave himself into the hands of Brother Robert the prior, with his church of Tyningham, with the agreement of the lord bishop, so completely that the canons should have either that church or fifty shillings per year.

From Bower’s Scotichronicon, Book VI, 24
Translated by D.E.R. Watt et al.
In 1122 [1124] Robert prior of Scone was elected to the see on the urging of King Alexander. He [the king] restored in its entirety the land called the Boar’s Chase, which had been taken away from the church of St Andrew, on condition that a religious community was established there, as had been previously arranged by King Alexander [in a ceremony involving] the king’s Arabian steed with its special harness and saddle, covered with a voluminous and precious caparison, along with a shield and silver lance (which now forms the shaft of a cross) – all these things the king in the presence of the magnates of the land had brought up to the altar, and he had the church invested with, and given sasine of, the said liberties and royal customs. David his brother, then an earl, was present there and confirmed this gift.
]]> In the first, it must be considered what the rent of our lord the king in burgh tenure is. Each man gives the king for his burgh tenure that he defends, for each square perch of land (c 25 metres square) annually.

ii. Concerning newly created burgesses
Whoever is made a new burgess of our lord the king in the first shall swear loyalty to the king and to his baillies and to the community in which he has been made a burgess.

iii. Concerning taking strangers(upland men) into custody in the burgh
Any burgess can take into custody strangers (upland men) from beyond the market and outwith his home and without permission of the burgh grieve, but not if the market fairs are held in the burgh and not if he is in the king’s army or indeed engaged in the custody of the castle.

iv. Poinding a burgess through another burgess
A burgess cannot poind another burgess without the permission of the burgh grieve.

v. Concerning things loaned by a burgess to a stranger (upland man)
If a burgess has loaned to men from outside the burgh, if the debtor concedes the debt, he shall yield it and if he negates the debt he shall do the right thing (before the lawholders of the burgh)

vi. Concerning complaints in the burgh
Cases that arise in the burgh shall be held and determined except those that are under the king’s crown. And all quarrels that take place within the burgh must be ended within the burgh, except those that are under the king’s crown. Those that belong under the king’s crown must be registered and kept safe until the arrival of the Justice and then they shall be pleaded against and resolved in the burgess court before the Justice.

vii. Concerning complaints outwith the burgh
If a burgess is called concerning any complaint he shall not plead outside the burgh unless it is in default of court nor must he respond without a day or term specified unless he has earlier made a foolish response, with the exception of cases that fall to the king’s crown. And as far as those cases within the remit of the king are concerned, he must be judged by his equals according to the laws and courts of the burgh.

viii. Concerning a complaint between a burgess and a merchant
If a complaint is raised between a burgess and a merchant, it shall be ended within three tides of the sea.

ix. Concerning merchandise that arrives in ships
All merchandise that comes across the sea in ships shall be brought to land, except salt and herring that can be sold on the ship.

x. Concerning land owned for a year and a day
Anyone who has held his land for a year and a day that he has bought legally through the witness of twelve neighbours in peace and without challenge – whoever challenges him after one year and one day and if he is in the same family and at the same stage of life and he has not made a claim within the said time, he will never be heard. But if he is within the age or outwith the jurisdiction he shall not lose his right when he comes of age or is reinstated in the region of jurisdiction.

xi. Concerning a rural dweller from outwith the burgh
If a rural person (rustic) from outwith the burgh has a burgagium (land rented in the town)he shall not be held for burgh rent in another place in the same burgh in which he has his rented land. If indeed that burgess challenges a burgess living in the burgh, the latter burgess shall defend himself against the rustic according to the law. But if a burgess that lives day and night in the burgh challenges that foresaid rustic about anything from which battle might arise the rustic shall defend himself with battle against the burgess.

xii. Concerning the challenge of a burgess by a stranger (upland man)
If any stranger (upland man) shall challenge a burgess on any matter, he cannot fight against the burgess but can defend himself through the law of the burgh unless it be through treason or for a reason from which he must defend himself in battle. Nor can the burgess fight against the stranger (mountain man) unless he first leaves the burgh.
xiii. Concerning the battle of the burgess
The king’s burgess can have a battle concerning the burgess of the abbot, the prior, the earl or th baron, but not the other way round.

xiv. Concerning the freedom of a burgess’s son
The son of a burgess, as long as he is at his father’s table will have the same freedom to sell and buy as his father has departs from his father’s table, he will not enjoy the freedom of the burgh unless he himself becomes a burgess.

xv. Concerning another man’s slave entering the burgh
If the slave of any baron or soldier or anyone comes into the burgh and stays in his burgh tenure for one year and one day without challenging his masters or his baillie, he shall be free evermore as a burgess is and enjoy the freedom of that burgh.

xvi. Concerning the foreign merchant
No foreign merchant can buy wool or hides or other merchandise either outside or within the burgh unless they are bought from burgesses.

xvii. Concerning bloodwit and suchlike things
And let it be known that within the burgh bloodwit will not be heard nor stokisdynt nor market nor herezald nor any such things.

xviii. Concerning ovens lawfully held
Every burgess of the king may have an oven upon his own land but no one else other than the king’s burgess.

xix. Concerning the forfeit of bread and ale
If any man or woman in the burgh be in forfeit of bread or ale, no-one should admit them but the burgh grieves. If he/she fails twice, he/she shall be castigated for his/her forfeit. If he/she fails three times, justice shall be carried out upon him/her. If the burgh grieve fails to do justice on him/her, the body and personal property of the burgh grieve shall be in the king’s will.
xx. Concerning the buying and dyeing of wool
No one but a burgess can buy wool for dyeing or make or cut cloth.

xxi. Concerning the disposal of lands of conquest
Any burgess can give away or sell his lands of conquest and go wherever he wishes freely unless the lands are in dispute.

xxii. Concerning a burgess who is too old to fight
If any burgess be challenged to battle and excuses himself in his response, he shall not fight but through the oaths of eleven men like himself, he shall acquit himself.

xxiii. Concerning the hereditary succession of a burgess who has died
If the burgess has acquired land or lands in the burgh and has a son to inherit and has not assigned those lands to anyone before his death, his son or daughter shall inherit the land the father had on the exact day he died with the reservation that his wife, for her whole life as long as she remains a widow, will hold the inner part of the house which is called the flett . But the heir will have the outer part of the house if he wishes to live there. And this I say, that the wife shall not have any other portion. But if she has another dowry …she and the heir will enjoy the use of it.

xxiv. Concerning a burgess who has several wives
If any burgess has two wives and has acquired many lands and has produced children with each wife, all the lands he possessed on the day he died, also heritage from conquests he has not assigned to anyone, those lands acquired at the time of the first wife will go to the son and heir of the first wife. In the same way, the lands acquired in the time of the second wife will go to the son and heir of the second wife if they had not been assigned to anyone before his death.
And the second wife will not remain in the house of the first heir after her husband has been dead for 40 days.

xxv. Concerning dissent among foreign sailors
If ships from different regions arrive in the king’s land of Scotland and dissent arises between such men within the king’s gate, the king’s baillies will hold right between them concerning any kind of quarrel any one of them would have with any other which has arisen in the lands of the king of Scotland. And if it shall fall that the challenger or defender has given his toll and done to the king’s land what he ought to do and his ship be in the coast, he will pass by in peace and one or the other shall seek his rights where he can.

xxvi. Concerning the accusation of theft by an uplandman
If a burgess is accused by and uplandman of theft found in his own house and in his possession and denies the theft as a free burgess against an uplandman and says he has no surety for it but had legally bought the object of contention in the burgh market he shall clear his name with the oaths of 12 of his neighbours and shall be acquiited of the accusation. And he shall swear he does not know when the door of the house of him from whom he bought that thing was closed or open.

xxvii. Concerning a new burgess having kirset
Whoever is made a new burgess of a wasteland and has no hospitable lands, can have kirset for the first year and after the first year shall have land he can build on . If after that it has been laid waste by fire or battle and he has other lands he can build on, he can leave that land without building on it until he has the wherewithal to rebuild it save on all solid ground ( Scots translation is ‘where the kings farm’)

xxviii. Concerning oath swearing on account of debt (owed to a burgess)
A burgess may through his own voice put him to oath, whoever that man may be, who has denied his debt to him. But if he is a knight who has denied the debt, the knight can put forward his steward or his grieve with other free men to make the oath if the burgess has no witnesses on his own behalf.

xxix. Concerning an oath between a burgess and an uplandman
If any complaint arises between a burgess and an uplandman , from which an oath shall be made, the burgess shall clear him with six hands of burgesses against him and he against the burgess with as many of his like. And if one can prove against the other, through witnesses, it is necessary to have a party of burgesses and a party of uplandmen in the contract.

xxx. Concerning how to conduct the swearing of witnesses
let it be known that he who brings witnesses in any quarrel to prove a point does not himself have to swear but the witnesses shall swear that they are telling the truth and it will be expressed in their oath that they do not say it on account of hatred of one or love for another, but for the sake of speaking the truth. And then the challenge and answers must be recorded in the presence of witnesses so that they can hear what they shall swear before they swear in the witnessing.

xxxi. What a burgess can say on his wife’s behalf
Any married man can respond on behalf of his espoused wife and stand in judgement and do for her anything in court if she is accused of anything. And it must be upheld that in the burgh courts Twertnay is used in defending right and wrong.

xxxii. Concerning taking plunder from uplandmen
Any burgess can poind item from outside the burgh for his debt inside and outside of his house. And if it sits on his horse, he does not have to put it down from his horse. And if it was taken before that day or came to re-enter as poinded before it was taken, it cannot be taken. But if any other man says it had been taken before that day he shall swear to that and have his plunder in peace. And it should be known that it is not necessary for a burgess to take any other pledge for his poind unless he wishes to.

xxxiii. Concerning obstacles of custody
There are four obstacles to impounding in the burgh. That is, if his master was in the king’s army or was in the king’s castle to guard it for a space of 40 days, if he comes to the courts or if he comes to the burgh for the purpose of buying his lord’s food.

xxxiv. Concerning the borrowing of impoundings from rural areas
Let it be known that uplandmen can borrow their plundered (beasts) three times from week to week and then three days and no more. And if they (the uplandmen) , out of perverseness, do not want to borrow them and they die of hunger, the burgess shall make them drag it out, whether it be a horse or another beast, but he will not flay it but hold it by the head and rump and afterwards impound another one.

xxxv. Concerning those not permitted to be poinded
No one can capture a fisherman carrying a fish to be sold unless it is for the fish or the fisherman’s debt. Nor those that bring wood or peats or for their own debts.

xxxvi. Concerning the annual rent of the brewers
Whoever brews throughout the year will give the alderman 4 denarios; 2 denarios for half a year.

xxxvii. Concerning the rents of tradesmen and merchants
Every tradesman shall settle with the burgh grieve and give him a halfpenny each market day. A merchant with a covered booth in the market place on market day shall give a halfpenny to the burgh grieve for custom. If the booth is not covered, he shall pay a farthing.

xxxviii. Concerning oath-taking for breaking assize
The burgh grieve may not put any man or woman under oath for breaking assize unless one has complained of another. And if he denies it and the other man does not have witnesses, then he shall clear him according to burgh law, that is to say by the sixth hand (?)

xxxix. Concerning the maximum forfeit in the burgh
Let it be known that the burgh forfeit does not exceed 8 solidos from those convicted in a grievance and judgements, but this is seldom taken.

xL. Concerning the main courts throughout the year
Be it known that there are three principal courts throughout the year where all burgesses should be present. The first is after the Feast of St Michael. the second after the birth of Christ, the third after Easter. Any burgess who does not attend, without being legally excused whether he is sick or out of the country or at the fairs, if he was in the burgh, will pay 4 denarios in forfeit. This will be 8 solidos if he is a burgess living in the country because he does not have to come to any courts through the year except these principal ones.

xLi. Concerning burgh tenure given in a free marriage
If anyone receives burgh tenure in a free marriage with any woman and has a son or daughter with her and , for some reason, the wife dies and, after the mother’s death, if the son or daughter lives or dies the man will enjoy use of that burgh tenure all his days but cannot pledge (pawn) it or sell it. And if, on the same day the son and daughter are born , the mother and child die, then the man can enjoy the use of it all his life. As long as the man has witness of twelve honest men or women neighbours that held the child scream or cry or yell. And so if he received many lands with his wife in marriage. If he has no child with his wife, the lands will go to his wife’s next heir.

xLii. Concerning land sold out of necessity (for reason of poverty)
All men can legitimately give or sell land he has from conquest to whomever he wishes. But if forced by poverty to sell his property he shall at the three principal meetings offer that land to the nearest heirs. If the nearest heirs want to buy that land , they shall find for him necessities such as food and clothing just as they would for themselves. The clothing should be of one colour, grey or white. If they are unwilling to do this or have not the ability to do this, it will be lawful for him to sell the aforesaid lands as well as he can to another person. And if the heir is outwith the kingdom in a neighboring kingdom, he should wait for 11 days. If in another kingdom, he should wait for two times 11 days and so on for farther kingdoms. If the heir is absent through illness for longer than the aforesaid term it will be lawful for the poor man to sell his lands where best he can.

xLiii. Concerning the challenge of land within the burgh
If any burgess is challenged of his lands or tenement in the burgh, he does not have to respond to his adversary without the king's letters, unless he wishes to do so spontaneously. And he who is challenged can run to delays and rational excuses once, twice and three times. And the fourth time he comes to warrant his excuses and respond to the baillies according to the law.

xLiv. No burgess can take custody of another burgess
No burgess can take custody of another burgess within the king’s burgh, but he shall come to his house with the town beadle and set him a day at the first court for him to come to answer to him if he will not repay the debt. If he does not come on the set day, he will be in forfeit and he will be summoned to come to the next court to answer and so forth.

xLv. Concerning a challenge in pilgrimage
Let it be known that if a man challenged for his land is in pilgrimage or in his errands in lands across the sea he will show his letters in court before the adversary and must wait until he comes home unless he has stayed absent for fraudulent reasons. And if so, according to what is written earlier, he must wait for a period of 11 days.

xLvi. Concerning a castle and a burgess
If any man from the castle has wronged a burgess of the burgh, he shall consult the law outside the gates. If any burgess has wronged a man of the castle, he shall consult the law in the burgh about him.

xLvii. Concerning the organisation of litigation in the burgh
Let it be known that from fifteen days to fifteen days litigation operates in the burgh for lands as well as for property and the arbitrator cannot, against the will of the man who seeks justice, set a day more than fifteen unless he ( the man seeking justice) wishes to or grants this or the arbitrator through the weakness of the court or the poverty of judgement prolongs the period.

xLviii. Concerning measures and weights
Every burgess can have in his house a measure, a rocking stone and weight to weigh his corn. And all measures and stones for weighing must be sealed with the burgh seal. And let it be known that anyone found with a false measure or weight will pay a forfeit.

xLix. Concerning him who wants to be a king’s burgess
No man can become the king’s burgess unless he does service to the king as far as pertains to a perch of land at least.

L. Concerning destruction by fire
If fire moves from any man’s house and sets fire to the many neighbouring houses, no accusation or trouble should be inflicted on him more than he has since he is affected by enough grief and anxiety. Similarly it is for him who has burned down another man’s corn kiln, but he shall lose his service. If a man loans his kiln to anyone , and it burns, he to whom it is loaned is held to restore it.. But if he has hired it for pennies and it burns he is not held to make restitution in any way.

Li. Concerning the borrowing of a burgess outwith the burgh
If a burgess is taken into custody outside his burgh for some debt or forfeit, his neighbours will go surety for him at their own expense if he is taken within the sherrifdom. But if he is taken outwith the sherrifdom, they will go on the expenses of the man who is taken.

Lii. Concerning entering and leaving sold land
Whoever sells his land or part of his land, he shall be in the house and shall leave and the other, who is the buyer, shall stand outside and enter. And one shall give the alderman a penny on leaving the land and the other shall give him a penny on entering the land and taking possession. But if they make a change of land between them, each one of them will give two pennies.

Liii. Concerning legally taking property from a farm
If a farmer will not pay you your maill (rent) at the end of the term, it is right lawful for you to take his property into your land within the house, without permission of the baillies.

Liv. Concerning a stranger distrained in the burgh
If a stranger owes any debt to a burgess, it is lawful for the burgess to take his property wherever he finds him in the burgh. And let it be known that the stranger can at no time cast lots, cut or cavyll with any burgess about any kind of merchandise unless during the fairs when anyone may cast lots and cavyll.

Lv. Concerning goods lent to the baillies of the castle
No burgess shall lend to the baillies of the castle through assize and law of the town except to the value of 40 denarii for their goods and that through the space of 40 days. And if within that 40 day term they have not paid back, he will not give them more unless the burgess wants to do so of his own free will.

Lvi. Concerning a burgess summoned to the king’s court.
Whoever the burgess may be and he is challenged about some complaint in whatever fee he holds, he will come to the king’s court and offer a legal defence that he will pay the correct penalty to the alderman in his own burgh court. But if he is summoned by a beadle before sufficient witnesses and does not come to the king’s court, the king’s baillie shall come to the warden of that fee and will take a full forfeit from him if he does not have the right defence. But if he comes to the king’s court and there gives a full response and makes no mention of his freedom or his lord’s fee, he will make full right in he king’s court.

Lvii. Concerning a burgess challenged and not having surety
If any burgess is challenged or blamed for any misdeed and cannot have burgh surety, the town burgesses can keep him in his own house in bonds for 15 days. After that, if he has no surety, his neighbours shall lead him to the king’s baillie and there he will be received by them and led to the home of the king’s beadle if the burgesses do not have a prison, and there he will be guarded from his challenges. Indeed the beadle shall find for him good strong bonds.

Lviii.Concerning a person in the burgh smitten with leprosy
If anyone living or born in the king’s burgh is smitten with leprosy and if he has means through which he can be sustained and clothed, he will be put in the burgh hospital. And if has nothing of his own to live on, the town burgesses will make a collection among themselves by which they will sustain and clothe him up to the value of 20 shillings. Lepers may not enter the town, neither going from door to door nor passing through the town, but shall sit outside the town and there seek alms from those entering and leaving. Furthermore no man must offer shelter to any leper within the burgh on payment of a full fine.

Lix. The sale of bread or ale by baillies
No alderman baillie nor beadle can make bread or ale to sell.

Lx. Concerning bakers and fish sellers
Bakers who make bread for sale make white and grey bread according to the price and approval of the good men of the town as the time demands. And the baker will have to win from each chalder after, as it shall be seen by the good men of the town . Also no one who makes bread for sale may hide it but will place it in his window or in the market where it will be sold to the general public.
And he who has been convicted for not doing so will pay 8 shillings forfeit and the bread that was hidden will be given out to the poor.
And the same goes for sellers of fish.

Lxi. Concerning the customs of ovens
Whoever has his own oven shall hold in the furnace the customs of our lord the king after the approval of the good men of the town. To wit, that no one will have in his oven more than 4 servants or a master , two servants and a hireling. The lord of the oven shall have each time for his oven a halfpenny (or bread), the master of the oven a halfpenny, the two servants one denarius and the hireling a farthing. And these men must be loyal and of good reputation and shall swear loyalty to the king and the town community.

Lxii. Concerning servants in the mill
Whoever serve in the king’s mill or have it to farm shall not have servants in the mill without the approval of the good men of town and those who are loyal with good reputation will swear loyalty to the king and to their masters and men who come to the mill. The multure must be taken and saved for their masters. For men coming to the mill, for corn to be kept and the correct multure to be taken , for the location of the mill known as their realm – all of these must be loyally held by each one of them.

Lxiii. Concerning the office of maltster (brewer) and their forfeits
Whatever woman wants to brew ale for sale shall brew for the whole year, according to the custom of the town. If she does not do this for a year and a day, she shall be suspended from her office. And if she makes ale . And if she makes approved ale for that time she will stand well. But if she makes bad ale and against the custom of the town and is convicted for this, she will give 8 shillings in forfeit or endure the justice of the town viz she will be placed upon the cookstool and two parts of the ale will be given to the poor and the third part to the brothers of the hospital.
The same judgement will be made for mead as for bad ale. And every brewster shall put a sign for beer outside her house at her window or above her door so that it is visible to all and sundry. If she does not do this, she will pay a fine of four denarios .

Lxiv. Concerning the office of fleshers (butchers)
Whoever wants to sell meat shall sell good meat i.e. beef, mutton and pork and shall sell it after the approval of the good men of the town and shall place these in his window so that all who want to buy shall see them. Moreover, fleshers shall serve the burgesses in time of slaughter, that is to say from the Feast of St Martin up to Christmas, from the meat to be prepared and made ready in their larders. Further, if bad meat is prepared, the flesher will return the damaged meat to him who owned the beasts. While fleshers serve the burgesses, they shall eat at their table with their servants. And they shall have a halfpenny for one cow or ox, or for 5 sheep or for a pig.

Lxv. Concerning animals to be sold and slaughtered
No one living outside the burgh of our lord the king shall buy beasts for slaughtering before the third beat (ie mid-morning) in winter and the first in summer. Moreover, the proper fleshers of the burgh shall buy beasts for the town’s use at any hour of the day. And no flesher shall slaughter or sell beasts at night, but in broad daylight and in his booth with the window open. And he who is convicted of doing otherwise shall pay a fine of 8 shillings.

Lxvi. Concerning hawkers
Hawkers who buy and re-sell for profit shall not buy anything for re-selling before the third bell in winter and the first in summer. They shall neither buy nor receive wool worked or any colour but white, nor yarn, nor any suchlike items except during the time of the fairs. And if anyone is convicted on this he will pay a fine of 8 shillings and shall lose the items of this kind that he has purchased.

Lxvii. Concerning sellers in general in the burgh
All sellers in general, i.e. sellers of ale, bread, meat or fish, shall sell to everyone, to those passing through as well as those entering and leaving and they shall not keep anything in their houses for the use of their household except to the value of 4 denarios for all that is left for anyone to buy. And anyone convicted of behaving otherwise shall be fined 8 shillings.

Lxviii. Concerning false weights or measures
If anyone has knowingly given false weight or measure either in wool or in animal tallow or pig lard or any such items and is convicted for this, he will pay a fine of 8 shillings (and be subjected to the town’s judgement) . And then he will be chastised by the baillies of the burgh by being fined for the first second and third time. On the fourth time, he will be at the king’s mercy for his life and limb for such falsehood is a matter for the king and the burgh forfeit does not exceed 8 shillings. And in this case, the king’s fine is ten pounds so it is a matter for the king.

Lxix. Concerning the public crier consenting to falsity
If the public crier in the king’s burgh consents to falsity or takes any reward for lowering or diminishing the town’s constitution and is thereby convicted he shall pay 8 shillings fine and shall be stripped of office and his hire and will nevermore be trusted.

Lxx. Concerning the election of burgh officials
At the first court after the Feast of St Michael, the aldermen and baillies shall be chosen through the council of the good men of the town who are loyal and of good reputation. And they shall swear loyalty to the king and the burgesses. They shall also swear faithfully to maintain the customs of the town ( and they shall not make judgement on any man or woman) on account of anger or hatred or fear or love of anyone but through the stated counsel and law of the good men of the town. They shall also swear that neither for fear nor love nor hatred of anyone nor for blood relationship nor for loss of money, they shall spare to do justice to all men.

Lxxi. On choosing the criers in the burgh
The criers shall be chosen communally by all the burgesses who are loyal and of good repute and they shall swear loyalty to the king and the burgh officials and the burgesses in full court.

Lxxii. Concerning forestallers in the burgh
No one living in or outside the burgh shall be so bold on market day as to go out through the gates of the burgh to buy anything before it comes within the town gates. And whoever is convicted of this shall pay a fine of 8 shillings.

Lxxiii. Concerning fish brought for sale
Anyone bringing fish into the town for sale shall not take it to any house but to the king’s market if he comes through the day. If he comes by night, he shall find a place to stay until morning and then, when the time comes, all of it untouched shall be brought to the king’s market and sold communally to those wishing to buy it. And no one can take it upon himself to buy fish at the sea or anywhere else for it to be resold in the king’s market. And anyone convicted of this shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. If any fisherman is accustomed to come by night and steal fish for the sake of profit or ‘evil genius’ - if convicted, he shall pay a fine of 8 shillings.
Also no man who buys fish to be resold shall buy them or gut them before the first hour in summer and before the third hour in winter. And if so convicted, he shall pay a fine of 8 shillings.

Lxxiv. Concerning a burgess taken into custody for any misdeed
If any burgess is arrested for any misdeed and is kept by his challengers within the burgh and says he has surety, he will be led by his challengers through the burgh to the house in which he says he has surety if he is taken captive by day. If he is taken by night with a cry he will be kept and guarded by his challengers and the town guards until the morning so that his nearby neighbours know why he was captured so that if he can have surety, he shall have it. If not, he shall be led to the crier’s house and there guarded by his challengers if they do not have a prison, until he is permitted judgement.

Lxxv. Concerning the time of coming to litigation in the burgh
Whoever ought to take right or do right in the burgh shall come to the litigation (sessions) in winter before the third hour and in summer before the first hour. And if he comes before judgements have been made, the appellant will call his appeal and the man who is challenged shall reply in the presence of the baillies and the worthy men of the town in full court. And after the appeal and response, lawful judgement shall be given in court. And if he does not come within their spoken terms, he shall lose his case on that day unless he has a lawful excuse.

Lxxvi. Concerning challenges made by aldermen or baillies
If the aldermen or the town criers have a challenge against any man or men they can not nor should they lead witnesses against them in any court or challenge but the defending party shall acquit himself lawfully.

Lxxvii. Concerning the protection of pilgrims
If any man has passed through the king’s burgh as a pilgrim, with the permission of the church and his neighbours, to the holy land or to Saint James or to any other holy place on pilgrimage his house and household will be in the peace of our lord the king and of the burgh officials until God brings him home again.

Lxxviii. Concerning a man challenged by many challenges
If any man is challenged through another man by many challenges, he will not be held to respond in one day, unless he wants to. But he will be held to respond to sundry men concerning sundry challenges.

Lxxix. Concerning land put in pledge in the burgh
If any man has land placed in pledge he can redeem it when he wishes, unless it was pledged for a fixed time. And when that term is still running, his pledge can be offered to him at three court meetings. And if he does not want to redeem it, it shall be sold and the creditor will take his debt. And whatever remains shall be given to him who owed the debt.

Lxxx. Concerning those who are within (under) age
No one within age in the burgh may swear oath or bear witness or make answer, but his guardian or protector in whose custody he is can answer on his behalf and receive judgement after the custom of the burgh and the consideration of the worthy men of the town.

Lxxxi. Concerning the manner of the burgh watch
For every house in which a man lives who can watch with reason one will be held to watch for cause of danger who when the watchstaff does his rounds from door to door must come forth someone of man’s age who will go out with two weapons when the curfew rings and so shall watch wisely and carefully until dawn. And if anyone fails in this, he will pay 4 denarios, except for widows/single women.
Lxxxii. Concerning the complaint of a man made blue and bloody
If a man has made another man (black and) blue and bloody by beating him, the injured man must be heard first whether he comes first or not to make a complaint. And if they are both blue and bloody, he who complains first shall be heard first.

Lxxxiii. Concerning those convicted of giving false witness
Whoever is convicted of perjury or giving false witness shall never more be heard in giving judgement or bearing witness.

Lxxxiv. Concerning having pigs in the burgh
No burgess living in the burgh is allowed to keep pigs unless he has a keeper following them or feeds them in a sty so that his neighbours do not incur damage.

Lxxxv. Concerning not putting up men arriving in the burgh
No one living in the burgh ought to give hospitality to any arrival for more than one night unless he wants to become surety for him.

Lxxxvi. Concerning establishing peace in the fairs
This is the constitution of the peace of fairs in the king’s burgh on this half of the Forth, that is to say, after the peace of fairs has been proclaimed, no one will be captured nor attached in those fairs unless he has broken the peace of the fairs in coming to the fairs or indeed going back or in lingering in those fairs. Or unless he was the king’s outlaw or traitor or such an evil-doer whom the church’s grace ought not to defend. If any such evil-doer either breaks the peace of the fairs, he will be kept securely until the courts of the fairs. And then he shall stand and receive the judgement on that of which he was accused.

Lxxxvii. Concerning stolen goods found in fairs
If a man finds something in the fair which he says was snatched or stolen from him or lost, he ought to lead him with whom the thing is found to the baillies of the fair and before them he ought to name his master and where he has his house and to find a pledge, in the presence of the baillies of the fair, from the challenger that on the 15th day after the fair he will have the thing that is challenged in a place which the baillies have nominated and there he shall stand to right to his challenger. And if he has no surety, the baillies ought to keep the item until he finds surety for the challenger or else until the courts of the fairs. And if the challenger then comes and finds surety as has been said then the thing will be given to him and the challenger can prosecute his quarrel. But if the challenged man does not come to the courts , the thing will be given to the challenger under good and secure oaths so that if anyone else comes and wants to speak, he shall , at the summoning of the baillies, bring the thing to the place where he got it in the same state as he found it or give the value of the thing if the thing is lost or deteriorated in his keeping and there to do what is just concerning it.

Lxxxviii. Concerning fugitives found in fairs
If any man finds his bondman who has fled from him in the fair , during the peace of the fair he cannot chase or take him.

Lxxxix. Concerning a burgess who has drawn another into making a pledge
If a burgess draws another burgess into a pledge and the debtor dies and the heir does not have the wherewithal to pay his father’s debt excluding the lands which his father has left him he must use the lands as surety for 40 days. And within the 40 days he can offer the said lands at three head courts to his nearest relations and friends. But if they do not want to buy or acquire them, it is lawful in the pledge to sell the foresaid lands where best he can and repay the creditor and the debtor keeps what is left.

xc. Concerning a burgess who owes debt
If a burgess owes anyone a debt and at the term has not the wherewithal to pay it except for his lands, the creditor shall keep these lands for a year and a day and within the year and a day offer these lands to his neighbours and friends. And if they do not want to buy or acquire them, the creditor can sell the lands wherever he wishes. And if there is anything left over, it will be given to the debtor.

xci. Concerning fraudulent redemption of land sales
If any burgess sells his land for reason of necessity and it has been offered to his nearest relatives and they did not have the money to but it in the purchasing time and afterwards when he saw the said land looked after and productive then some man from among the aforesaid relatives comes and offers to buy it with money fraudulently borrowed, he ought not to be heard nor can he deal with the buyer again in any way.

xcii. Concerning excuses in the burgh
Be it known that no excuse is permitted in the burgh in any dispute about challenged land unless a man is proven to be ill by witnesses or he is in the king’s service or has travelled to the fairs.

xciii. Concerning the shoemaker’s tanning
No shoemaker tanner can buy hides for tanning at a higher price than that which has horns and ears of equal length.

xciv. Concerning the merchant guild
No dyer or butcher or shoemaker can be in the merchant guild unless he swears to carry out his craft with his own hands but with servants under him.

xcv. Concerning lands given for feu farm
It is ordained that if any man gives his land in feu farm to another man, with a named farm saved for himself and his family and afterwards the feu farmer (to whom the land has been let) from necessity wants to sell the land, he who gave the said land to feu farm and his heirs shall have a greater right to buy that land than anyone else.

xcvi. Concerning a man who admits to having done wrong
If any man challenges another man for having beaten him or done him any harm and places to his loss 100 marks or as much as he wants and the challenged man in reply denies the wrong and the unlawfulness and says ‘ I grant that I have done other than I ought to have done to you and I am prepared to make amends in the presence of worthy men’ – in this way he shall amend it.
And if he does not make such a response but sustains his whole claim and wholly denies it and at the day of law he fails in his acquittal, he will be convicted and condemned to all the harm his adversary can put upon him.

xcvii. Concerning taking a burgess from another burgh into custody
No one can poind his neighbour from another burgh debt or trespass unless he is his chief debtor or ower of a pledge unless the baillie has failed to give him justice because he is absent.

xcviii. Concerning the custody of a burgess’s heir
If it happens that a burgess dies, his heir, if under age, and his cattle will be in the custody of his family on his mother’s side and the whole inheritance shall be in the custody of the family on his father’s side.

xcix. Concerning a burgess evicted from his property
This is the assize of Newcastle, that when any burgess is in possession of any land whether rightly or wrongly and another man comes along saying he is the true heir of that land and evicts from the foresaid land and property on his own authority and without jurisdiction. Whether it is asked (of the burgesses) that he who first was in the property should recover his seizing from the man who evicted him before he can answer him. And the reply given is that he was first in the property rightly or wrongly must always first recover his property and hold it or lose it in legal procedure. And the person who evicts him will be in forfeiture to our lord the king.

c. Concerning mis-calling the alderman
If anyone miscalls the alderman in full court, he must with his friends deny it with open mouth, saying that he has lied and with a pledge for mercy. And afterwards he will swear upon the holy sacrament that he never knew anything bad about him. And if he miscalls him on other occasions, he will be placed in jurisdiction of the alderman and his neighbours until he makes amends.

ci. Concerning a burgess not transferring lands if he is ill
It is the custom of the burgh that no burgess who is on his death bed can transfer any lands which he owns by inheritance or which he has acquired when in health from the very heir nor give nor sell to anyone from his heritable property unless he is heavily burdened through need, since need has no law. Or that his heir can not or does not want to deliver him from all his debt.

cii. Concerning the castellan in the town
No castellan should enter a burgess’s home for the purpose of killing pigs or piglets or geese or hens. But if he comes to the burgess’s door and asks if he has any of the foresaid be there to sell for the king’s majesty. And if he has, he shall sell. And if he has and does not wish to sell and they are found in the street the castellan is permitted to kill them and the neighbours will price that beast and the price will be given to its owner. And the castellans shall not do this except for three times in the year, that is before Yule, Easter and Whit Sunday and not outside the burgh.

ciii. Concerning wool-combers leaving the burgh
If wool-combers leave the burgh (for rural work) while there is enough work for them in the burgh)they will be captured and imprisoned.

civ. Concerning widows selling in the burgh
If a widow living in the burgh wants to trade with her neighbours, she must help them in all things and vice versa.

cv. Concerning the election of liners within the burgh
The alderman in the presence and counsel of the community should choose liners, at least 4 wise and discreet men so that no complaint will come to the king’s room for defective lining. And if a complaint does come, all will be in forfeit, the baillies as well as the liners. And the aforesaid liners will swear that they will line accurately in length and breadth both at the front and at the back part of the land according to the correct old burgh divisions.

cvi. Concerning the transfer of the chief tenement
No man can transfer his chief dwelling house away from his heir, nor give it to his wife as a dowery, if he has anything else or other lands to be given as a dowry or else it has to be sold through need.

cvii. Concerning the transfer of lands through necessity
If it happens that any man having lands from heritage or conquest and loves his son and heir so much that he gives his son all his lands within his legal power. And afterwards and inexplicable need comes to the father and he shows his need and that son does not want to help his father, the father can sell or mortgage those lands from heritage and conquest to anyone he chooses. And his poverty must be proven before the sale or transfer by the oaths of 12 legal and honest men, that is 4 living in one part of the land being sold, 4 from another and 4 living across from the house or the transfer will be null and void.

cviii. Concerning lands given by a father to his children
If a man has several lands and several children and gives a land to one of them and it happens that all the boys and are under age and in their father’s custody. Then, perchance, after the father’s death, the heir says that the gift from his father was valueless as, for his lifetime, the father took the fruits of these lands. But in this matter, the heir must not be heard, since the father gave the lands in his legal power.

cix. Concerning excuses and delays
Be it understood that as many excuses(for not appearing in court) and delays an appellant has, a defender will have the same in cases of damages or injuries or challenges over land, since , in as many ways as a thing of one kind is said, there are just as many ways of saying the rest.

cx. Concerning a summons made by the king’s servants
Be it known that a summons made to a burgess within the burgh by the king’s servants must not be heard without the beadle being present.

cxi. Concerning possession (of land) granted in the burgh
If possession is given in the burgh before the neighbours of the burgh, although it is outwith the court and has not been spoken about in the court beforehand, nevertheless the possession shall suffice well enough.

cxii. Concerning the keeping of laws in the burgh
In every burgh of the kingdom of Scotland, the chief man (mayor or alderman) of that burgh shall make 12 of the most capable and most discreet legal burgesses swear by oath that they shall preserve and maintain all laws and just customs as legally as they can.

cxiii. Concerning debt and borrowing
For a debt, there will be one debtor and one pledge and one forfeit for a misdeed. And although there may be several borrowers, there will be only one merciment.

cxiv. Concerning the sale of hereditary burgage
If any heritage of burgage falls to any man or woman in the burgh or sisters on the father’s or mother’s side. and it is necessary for him or them or one of them, on account of their poverty, to sell or mortgage or farm-let it or dispose of it in any way, it is not lawful for him/her or them or any one of them to sell, mortgage or farm let or in any other way to dispose of the aforesaid burgage to any stranger, if the nearest heirs want to buy it or take it in mortgage or farm let.

cxv. Concerning the dividing up of a burgess’s goods
It is the custom in all Scottish burghs from time immemorial that if any burgess has children by his legal wife and he dies, the third part of all his goods is owed to the sons and daughters. But his legal firstborn son and heir of the husband and wife shall have the same portion of goods as the other children that is equal to that of the other children unless the firstborn has been put out of the family.

cxvi. Concerning equipment and household goods pertaining to a burgess’s heir

If a male or female burgess dies in the burgh, whether he/she has mad a testament or not, concerning everything he/she will give to the their heirs, utensils for the house, e.g. the best table, cover, towel, basin, ewer, the best bed with the sheets and other bedcovers feather bed, lead with a musket, wine barrel, brewing vat, flagon, cauldron, three-legged stand, fire-place, pitcher, crook. These things from the house cannot be left in legacy. Also whatever is built, planted or sown all goes with the ground. Also he shall have a chest, storage chest, plough, farm cart, chariot (2-wheeled cart), a quantity of lead , brass pot, frying pan, iron bowl, girdle, mortar, pestle, platter, 12 spoons, a bench, a foot-stool, a wooden sled (to separate wheat from chaff), scales with weights, a spade, an axe. And if the land is inherited, all those things are known to pertain to the heritable right. But they can be sold legitimately if the master has been forced to do so out of necessity or poverty and that will be witnessed by the burgesses. And concerning the aforesaid equipment and household goods all and single, the best things belong to the heir.

cxvii. Concerning a burgess attached within the burgh
If any man living in the burgh is attached for any reason through the king’s baillies, he shall not be taken outwith the freedom of the burgh to the castle or any enclosed place unless he has no security.

cxviii. Concerning the transgression of a burgess’s wife
If a burgess’s wife offends her neighbour in any way and finds persons to stand as surety for her to the law without the consent of her husband and if in the court she falls into a foolish response and is convicted for any transgression she has committed by the judge, her husband is not beholden to answer either for her crime or for mercy or for petition or grievance beyond the sum of 4 denarios unless he wants to. Nevertheless, he shall consider her ignorant and behaving negligently without her husband’s counsel , and shall chastise her as if she was a child since she acted outwith his authority.

cix. Concerning the lining of land in the burgh
If any land is lined in the burgh by the baillies and honest men with either party present and they lay the marks and sasine of those marks is held and in use for one year and one day, it cannot be lined in another way . But if any mark is removed, the baillie will be held to the complainer.
]]> http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/search/Y?search=ancient+laws+and+customs+of+the+burghs+of+scotland]]> Know that whereas the former reverend fathers in Christ of honoured memory, the bishops of St Andrews, have in times past have had in times past the great customs of their own goods and those of the men of the city of St Andrews and have been in full possession thereof hitherto, we, not desiring to lessen the liberty and possessions of the said bishops but rather more fully to increase the same, and considering the various works and heavy expenses incurred and laid out, as effectively and faithfully, by the reverend father in Christ William Laundelis by the grace of God now bishop of St Andrews in sundry ways for the benefit of us and the common weal (res publica), we have approved, ratified and for ever confirmed to him and to his successors the said customs in form, possession and effect, as the same have been used and enjoyed hitherto; and of new for us and our heirs, of certain knowledge and deliberate counsel have bestowed upon and given to him the said custom for the term of his life in … the form underwritten, that is to say, that his citizens of St Andrews shall be free to buy wool, skins and woolly hides wherever they wish, as well in the burgh of Cupar as within other parts of Fife and Fothryff and elsewhere, being within the lands of the said bishop, and that they shall not be compelled to pay the great custom arising therefrom save to the bishops and his officer …; notwithstanding our grants made to any persons or places, for it was not our intention that, on account of such concessions, the liberties and privileges of the said father in Christ and the citizens should anywise suffer; and that the said bishop and his successors may freely possess the great custom of all goods owing to their burgh of St Andrews coming from the port thereof, or being borne to their port of Edyn, together with the escheat of wool, hides and woolly hides if found in these parts not paying customs; and that the cocket of the said burgh of St Andrews shall be as freely received and accepted everywhere in our realm as our cocket is received and accepted. Wherefore we order all our ministers and faithful subjects to maintain the bishop and men and servants in all and sundry things affecting our confirmation and grant … and we prohibit anyone molesting, disturbing or hindering the bishop and his men against the tenor and form of this confirmation.
Given at Edinburgh 5th June 1363
[Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, i]

Inquest about the Men of Cupar and St Andrews (1370)
This inquest being made at Cupar on Friday the fifteenth day of the month of January in the year of our lord 1369 (1370) by the trusty men underwritten, namely, Thomas Monypenny, Philip of Lochore, Alexander Scheyn, Henry Swinton, Stephen of Kilpatrick, Gilbert of Dowrye, Andrew Ramsay of Rothie, John Dishington, John Kinnear, Andrew of Forret, Archibald Forsyth, Richard Inglis, John Brekmond, who being sworn affirm that the burgesses of Cupar, subsequent to the precept of the justiciar, have molested the burgesses of St Andrews.
[Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 8]

Judicial proceeding: the presidents of parliament’s judgement in a dispute between St Andrews and Cupar
In the parliament held at Perth on 7 February (1370), the venerable father, the bishop of St Andrews, in his name and [in the name] of the city of St Andrews, and several of the citizens of the city of St Andrews, in their names and [in the names] of the other citizens of the same city, from one party, and Duncan Balfour, who calls himself alderman of Cupar, and three other burgesses of Cupar in Fife, calling themselves brothers of the guild within the said burgh, from the other, compearing in the said parliament, since after a substantial controversy has been moved and continued for a long time between the said parties, concerning the purchase of fleeces, pells and hides and other things which are known to pertain to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar by the said citizens, our lord king, wishing finally to settle the said controversy, caused the said parties with due solemnity to be assembled and legitimately summoned to his said parliament, in order to have and receive full justice in that parliament concerning and upon the said controversy.
The said lord bishop [compeared], accompanied by certain citizens of the city of St Andrews as his assistants, in his name and [the name] of his church, and of them and of the others [mentioned] above, and said that, although he and his predecessors and the said citizens had been and were freely in possession of a kind of right of buying fleeces, hides and pells, and the other things [mentioned above], however great, pertaining to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar, by the citizens and inhabitants and other subordinate people of the same city, from a time beyond the existence in men’s memories of a different situation, the burgesses of Cupar, notwithstanding that for the part of the said lord our king it had been prohibited for them by public proclamation to in any way presume to disturb or disquiet the aforesaid bishop or the citizens of his city violently in the matter of the aforesaid right except by the way and form of common justice, have presumed to violently and de facto and rashly to disturb and disquiet this bishop and his citizens of his citizens of his said city and their servants and households in his same right of selling fleeces, hides, pells and the other things which [were mentioned] above, to the grave prejudice and harm of him and his church and his citizens. And this he, being in the same place, affirmed by his pledge, and asked that he and his said citizens to be restored [and] returned to the pristine possession of their right, if and in as much as they were rashly and de facto disturbed by the said burgesses of Cupar, and amends are to be made concerning the harm and injury inflicted upon him and his, which harm is assessed at the amount of 1,000 merks sterling, and moreover the same burgesses of Cupar are to have silence imposed on them that they should not presume to trouble him or his said citizens further concerning this otherwise than by the way and form of common justice.
The said Duncan Balfour, calling himself alderman as above, and the other three burgesses, his assistants as aforementioned, denied similarly and expressly the pretended possession by the said bishop and citizens of St Andrews, asserting themselves and their fellow burgesses, brothers of the guild of Cupar, to have been and to be the solely and collectively in possession of the right to sell fleeces, pells and hides, and the other things which [were mentioned] above, for a great time past. And when they had been asked on the king’s behalf if the pledge against them was found by the bishop, the said alderman and burgesses would then wish to oppose [him] according to the laws and customs of the realm approved hitherto, [and] they have refused to do this, expressly claiming themselves not to be held for, etc, because they did not have a suitable day or place for showing their evidence to [enable them] to contradict the said pledge being thus found.
Which things thus having been done and both parties having withdrawn, and diligent deliberation and negotiation having been had concerning this by the presidents of this parliament in the king’s presence and having been found in writs that the said pledge was not opposed by the said burgesses, the parties were recalled and returned to the presence of the king and of those who were presiding for giving justice in the said parliament. It was decreed by the presidents of the same parliament and adjudged by way of sentence that the bishop of St Andrews and his said citizens in the name which [is stated] above, are to be returned and restored and they returned and restored them in so far as it was in their power to the possession of the said right. And the adverse party was to be held and ought to be held to make satisfaction to them concerning the harm and injury which can be justly proved in the presence of the king’s justiciar at the day and place to be assigned to them by the said justiciar concerning this. And silence was imposed upon the said burgesses of Cupar by the same presidents of the parliament that they would not presume to trouble the said bishop or his said citizens further concerning this other than by the way and in the form of law and according to the laws of the kingdom approved hitherto.
And the justiciar then being present and receiving mandate was commanded that at a certain place and day to be assigned to him by the king’s letters he should convoke and convene to that place in the presence of the burgesses of Cupar, whether being absent from the said parliament or the said four who were present in the same place, and that he should accuse each of them on the king’s behalf of violation of the king’s prohibition thus publicly proclaimed, as aforementioned, and of the presumptuous act attempted against his prohibition by them, assessing the harm and disparagement of the king against each of them concerning this at £100 sterling. It was also decreed by the same presidents of the parliament that the same justiciar [should require] certain and secure pledges from the same four burgesses of Cupar then present in the same place for compearing in his presence under certain penalties at the said day and place to be assigned as aforementioned and for standing to law in the same place, and that then the same justiciar should cause the said lord bishop and his men to be satisfied concerning whatsoever damages, injuries and harms inflicted on them as reason should demand and the order of justice should dictate.
Records of the Parliaments of Scotland [1370/2/41]

Charter by John Scrymgeour to William Balmyle rector of Benhame (1410)
Charter by John Scrymgeour, natural son of Sir James Scyrmgeour constable of Dundee, knight, and Marion wife of John, narrating that after the death of Alexander Scrymgeour of Aberbrothock, possessor of certain lands and rights underwritten in the city of St Andrews, William Scrymgeour cousin and heir possessed the same and after Sir James who had acquired the right thereto granted the same to the said John Scrymgeour and Marion then his future spouse, who now with the consent of the said Sir James and other friends of his and his wife, sell and dispone the same to Sir William of Balmyle rector of the church of Benhame, St Andrews diocese, for a certain sum of money:
Viz, an annual rent of five shillings due and payable from the lands of James Brabaner in Market Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of Rankiny Brabaner on the west and the land of Laurence Peebles on the east; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of the said Rankiny Brabaner in Market Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of James Brabaner on the east and the land of John Bonar on the west; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of Andrew of Dunbrek in Market Street of the said city on the south side between the lands of the deceased Thomas Tody on the east and the land of Richard Narn on the west; an annual rent of ten shillings due and payable from the lands of the John Duncan in vico Piscatorum (Fishers Street) on the west side between the lands of the heirs of the deceased John Cass on the north and the land of Gilbert Guthry on the south; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of the deceased Galfrid Smith in North Street on the north side thereof between the land of John Scot the elder on the west …; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of Robert Johnson lying in the North Street on the north side between the land of John Scot on the east and the tenement of Laurence Peebles on the west; an annual rent of three shillings due and payable from the land of the said William Raa lying on North Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of John Gled on the east and the land of Robert Smith on the west; an annual rent of thirteen shillings and four pence due and payable from certain land of the heirs of the deceased Thomas Tody in South Street of the said city on the north side between the land of John Bonar on the west and the land of the heirs of Thomas Tody on the east; an annual rent of nine shillings due and payable from the tenement of the said William Balmyle in South Street on the south side between the land of John Thomson on the east and the land of Robert Bower on the west; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the land of John Litstar in South Street on the north side between the land of Thomas Tailour on the west and the land of Duncan Robertson on the east; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the tenement of David Coinet in South Street on the north side between the land of Sir John Crab priest on the west and the land of John Wallace on the east; a certain waste land lying in South Street on the north side between the land of John Garden on the west and the heirs of the deceased Norman Gupylde on the east; an annual rent of two shillings due and payable from the land of Adam Ewinson in South Street on the north side between the land of Marion Bald on the east and another land of Adam on the west; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of John Frislay in Market Street on the south side between the land of Walter Spadebeard on the east and the land of John Bonar on the west; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of Alexander Lawson in Market Street on the south side between the land of Stephen Ferny on the west and David Baxster in the east; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of the prior and convent of the church of St Andrews in Market Street on the north side between the land of the heirs of the deceased David Chalmers on the east and the land of the prior and convent on the west; a certain waste land in North Street on the north side between the land of John Swan on the east and William Christison on the west; an annual rent of thirty pence from the land of William Christison in North Street on the north side between the land of William Balmyle on the east and William Millar on the west; an annual rent of two shillings from the land of William Millar in North Street on the north side between the land of William Christison on the east and another land of William Millar on the west; an annual rent of two shillings from the land of William Millar in North Street on the north side between the waste of Richard Purrock on the west and a land of William Millar on the east; two particates of land lying together in crofts on the north side of North Street between the land of John Stele on the east and Thomas Rogerson on the west; another particule of land lying in crofts between the land of John Michaelson in the west and Thomas Rogerson on the east; two particates of land in crofts on the south side of the common way of Galwhil between the land of Marion Hardgate to the east and John Stele to the west; an annual rent of sixteen shillings from four particules of the land of Stanycroft lying at the end of the lands of the heirs of the deceased Deky Thomson and master Robert Murehouse.
The which lands John and Marion have resigned into the hands of Roger Williamson bailie of St Andrews and other persons having an interest in the due and accustomed services.
Done in the Domus Urbi of St Andrews on Wednesday 2nd April 1410
Witnesses: Master Thomas Cairns official of St Andrews, Robert Butler alderman, Roger Williamson and John Smyth bailies, John Bonar, Duncan Mason, Laurence Narn and others, citizens and parishioners of St Andrews

Indenture concerning the construction of the new Parish Church of St Andrews (1410)
Instrument narrating that Sir William Lindsay lord of the Byres gave, granted and by his charter confirmed to God and Holy Mother Church in pure and perpetual alms for the safety of the souls of himself and Christian his deceased wife and his successors and all the faithful departed, all his lands lying in the city of St Andrews in South Street on the north side thereof between the lands of Rankin Brabonar on the west and the common vennel that leads to the market cross of the said city on the east, lately purchased and acquired by him from Thomas Butler and John Scissoris with pertinences, so that the Parish Church might be transferred for the betterment on to the said lands with the consent of Henry bishop of St Andrews and that the prior and convent of St Andrews as true patrons and rectors thereof and the citizens and parishioners of the said church might build and erect thereupon in honour of the Holy Trinity a church with a row of pillars on each side through the nave; Therefore the citizens and community considering the zeal and affection of the said Sir William to God and the Church and to the citizens and parishioners have granted and promised to Sir William to erect a chapel to be founded in honour of the Holy Trinity in the eastern bay in the row of pillars on the south side of the church and worthily to ceil and trellis the same with an altar and two windows each with three openings sufficiently glazed and adorned with the arms of the said Sir William, one on the east and the other on the south with frames; and if the said Sir William wishes any alteration made in position or size of the chapel such alteration is to be estimated for by skilled men mutually chosen by them and him, and he promises to pay therefore, while they build and maintain the same for ever, and if he or his heirs fail in payment, work shall stop until payment is made. Moreover it shall be lawful to the said William and his heirs to found and endow the said chapel as a college or otherwise, the presentation of chaplains being in his hands while collation shall belong to the bishop of St Andrews; and whosoever of them wishes to be buried in the said chapel shall have free sepulchre. The work is to be begun at Christmas next and to be performed with all speed, and after the death of the said Sir William his anniversary is to be celebrated for ever with the ringing of a bell through the streets of the city, and they likewise promise that chaplains of the Holy Rood and of Our Lady shall on feast days in their masses and prayers recommend the soul of Sir William with a special collect. Henry bishop of St Andrews and James prior of St Andrews and the chapter intimate their consent by attaching their seals.

[Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 16]

Charter of Thomas Stewart esquire to James Haldenstone Prior of St Andrews
To all who see or hear this charter Thomas Stewart esquire, citizen of the city of St Andrews, gives greetings in the Lord. You should know that I with the consent, agreement and assent of my dearest lord and master, namely Thomas Stewart archdeacon of St Andrews, give, grant and specifically sell, also selling and alienating from me and my heirs in perpetuity and by this present charter confirming to the venerable father in Christ and lord, Lord James Haldenstone, by divine sanction prior of the cathedral church of St Andrews, all my lands with their appurtenances lying in the aforesaid city in the north street of the same, between the land of William Forsyth on the east side, and the common vennel which leads to the castle on the west side, for fifty-two merks of usual money, which the said lord prior paid in full. Concerning the which sum of money I hold myself well paid and content and hold the said prior and his heirs and assigns free of claim in perpetuity through these present letters. The said lord prior and his heirs hold and possess all the said lands with their appurtenances from me and my heirs in fee and heritage freely, quietly and well in perpetuity and peace, with all and each liberties and rights … through all their proper boundaries, as well in length as width without retention or contradiction. The said lord prior, his heirs or assignees rendering for this property to the lord bishop of St Andrews who was for that time, the rents and services by burgage tenure for as much as is owed and customary for these lands, paying to me and my heirs and my assignees five shillings of usual money in two terms of the year, namely Pentecost and Martinmas …
In testimony of the which, because I do not have my proper seal at present, I have borrowed the seal of my said lord archdeacon with the seal of the community of the city aforesaid attaching them to this my present charter, at St Andrews, the fourth day of the month of October A.D. 1422 before these witnesses, namely Master Thomas Stewart archdeacon of St Andrews, Thomas Ramsay, John Bawn and Thomas Williamson, for the time bailies of the said city, Thomas Wardlaw, Andrew Broun, John Fawhope, William Johnson, Richard Kyd, John Chalmers, James Lamby, John of Kenlochy and John Loch, citizens of the same city, and many others.

Charter of Laurence of Lindores to the Parish Church of St Andrews
Charter by Laurence of Lindores rector of Creich (diocese of St Andrews) and inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of Scotland, whereby having in honour of the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, Michael the Archangel and St Serf founded a new chaplainry in the new parish church of St Andrews at the altar of St Michael on the north side of the church near the column founded by John Carmichael, he, with the consent of Henry bishop of St Andrews grants and mortgages to God, the Virgin Mary, Michael the Archangel and St Serf and the chaplain serving the altar, for the health of the souls of Henry bishop of St Andrews, the granter’s father and mother, himself, his brother and sister and all the faithful, that the tenement belonging to him on the South Street, on the south side of the church of St Andrew between the land of Robert Skynnar on the west and the land of the deceased Sir John Menzies, knight, on the east; and thirty shillings annual rent from the tenement of Robert Skynnar on the said street, between David Broun on the west and his own on the east; five shillings from the tenement of William Smert in the said street between the land of Andrew Cameron on the east and the land of John Haldenstone on the west; paying for the granter’s tenants to the bishop of St Andrews an appropriate sum.
Done at St Andrews on the first of December (1434)
Witnesses: John Carmichael provost of St Andrew, Mr William Wishart chamberlain to the bishop of St Andrews, Mr Alexander of Casteltaris vicar of Forgan, Walter Monypenny of Kinkell, Thomas Arthur, William of Kinnaird, John Akeman, Duncan Gedy, John of Camroun and David Post – citizens of St Andrews

Charter to the Blackfriars of St Andrews
Charter by John Michaelson citizen of St Andrews giving and confirming to God and to the Virgin Mary and to the house of Friars Preacher and the friars thereof founded in the city of St Andrews, for the safety of the souls of himself and his wife Marjory, the annual rent of three shillings from certain lands with pertinences lying in the street which is called Argaile within the said city on the south side, between the lands of Adam Godherd on the west and that of the friars on the east. Done at St Andrews. The fourth day of August A.D. 1446.
[Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 32]

Resignation to Blackfriars of St Andrews
John Alanson indweller of St Andrews resigns into the hands of Robert Arthur, one of the bailies thereof, with the consent of Thomas Peirson, an annual rent of six shillings and eight pence out of his yard, barn and threshing floor lying in South Street on the south side, between the yard or land of William Millar on the north and the lands of Thomas Rede on the east and the land of the heirs of the deceased Robert Wan on the west and the burn of the city on the south; the bailie gave sasine (possession) to Friar John Smyth, prior or custodian of the place of the Friars Preacher within the said city, for an anniversary with a requiem mass on the morning of the day of the said Thomas’ death. Done on the ground of the said yard. The fourteenth day of February, A.D. 1476 (1477).
[Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 65]


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